Jinduming tiredly listened to the Electorate bicker as he watched from the royal balcony perched above the chamber’s entrance. The reporters’ booths were empty as always- they weren’t allowed in until the last ten minutes of the five-hour session.

He checked his watch. Five minutes to recess.

The legislators had been arguing since morning over a single measure- originally adding the Wilderjaern forces to the military for a service span of ten years instead- and it had seen countless revisions now, just an act to increase the Wilderjaegern service by a few months.

They'll throw it out soon, he thought to himself. He had half a mind to throw the law out right now, but the Electorate could always override him with a 2/3s vote, yet that could be overturned by the Imperial Supreme Court overruling them, and then the Electorate could overrule both of them-

He shut his eyes, sighing. His gut stabbed out in pain as he leaned back, causing him to lurch back forwards.

Grasping the already crinkled sheet of paper in his hands, he bent forward in his seat, gasping for breath as his servant hurried up to him, uncapping an army injector. A House Guard exposed his vein even as he struggled to sit upright, then gritted his teeth as he heard the quick hiss of the injector on his inner elbow.

As the pain gradually subsided, he became aware of the still-ongoing din below him, then President Herminstaat call recess.

He pulled himself up despite quiet urges from his servants and guards, and balanced his hands on the railing, letting the light of the chamber illuminate his full form for all below to see. He waited for their attention to catch his unusual pose, the noise eventually lowering to an uncomfortable silence.

Jinduming cleared his throat, taking a final glance from the paper and began to speak.

"I hope you are all well today. I have a situation to bring up. In recent weeks, my physicians have informed me that an unfortunate chemical residue from the Civil War in my gut will cause my death in an inconvenient amount of time. I have placed my succession in the hands of the Crown Prince. You all have many questions, but I have no opportunity to answer them. I have now realized too late that as I pushed the nation to reemergence that I left too many ends untied. The erratic actions of the IFC during the Sinsic and my own during the various other international issues have shown that what is needed is a reformation of the Imperial Administration at large. I will be taking measures as needed to correct this issue as well as the time allotted to me allows."

His vision swept the whole chamber, eyeing the shocked expressions of the Electorate.

"That is all."

He turned and left, headed for the Imperial Palace. He motioned to a servant. "Call the Crown Prince to my office immediately."

---

"Sorry I'm late, the royal train was delayed by the Electorate transports leaving-"

The 29-year old Crown Prince burst into the room to find his father seated with a bottle of baijiu before him, a glass full in hand. Jinxingguo strode to him, swiping the bottle off the table and setting it on the floor beside him.

"You're dying from liver failure and you're drinking alcohol?"

Jinduming managed a weak smile. "Might as well. Listen." He leaned forward, his expression hardening. "When I'm gone, you're the ruler. Do as you will- it's your nation now. That's what my father said before he passed. Do as you will. Just- just don't-"

 He groaned, shaking with convulsions, causing the Crown Prince to catch him before he planted his face onto the desk. "-Don't let the nation burn down again. Dissolve the Electorate, form a dictatorship, welcome the democratics-, don't, just don't let another civil war tear the nation down."

Jinxingguo turned towards the doors. "Guards! Get a doctor! Now!"

He was pulled back to the desk as Jinduming yanked him close by the collar.

"Promise me. Please."

The Crown Prince blinked in surprise, replying, "I.. I will."

The Emperor-Admiral stared into his son's eyes a final time and nodded, allowing the doctors and guards behind them to check him over.

---

The Electorate has recently approved the export of the Hauffenberg Rail (part of Hauffenberg GLC) HSR Mk. IV Baiyun design to other manufactures of Southern Line participants. Blueprints will be provided along with the assistance of engineers to help familiarize and train foreign workers in constructing the trains for Southern Line use. Already being used as the primary mass transit system across the nation, the trains will not be transferred from the preexisting rail pools of the SICR, contrary to popular word on the internet. Those already being fabricated at the plants in Blut-Himmel Stadt will have production queues deducted as the exports are made.

By exporting the trains, stress will be reduced on the SICR industry to produce enough vehicles by the end of the Southern Line's scheduled construction. Naturally, the assistance is being offered via a request for permission by the Ministry of Foreign Relations, with the first expected departure ready upon acceptance.

---

• Unauthorized Tours of Dragonaii Civil War Battlegrounds Illegal, Authorities Say
• Drug Runner Attempting To Pass Into Kodumma Arrested, Repatriation Pending
• "'Black Swords' Special Tactics Divison Did Nothing Wrong," Apologists Say
• Free Speech Laws May Be Restored to Pre-War Status, Allowing Private SICR Media To Be Broadcast Without BIS Supervision

This has been DBS.

---

As the SICR's section of the Southern Line - A swath of former Imperial-OC rail heavy supply rail networks - are being connected and converted for mass civilian transit, new trains have been ordered from Hauffenberg Rail GLC to supply the Nestland rail network. Even as they are manufactured and the standard orange bands are painted on their sides like a standard transport of the country, the public has come forward with the proposition of painting the names of all the Imperial Rail Force's servicemen and women through the years onto the ceilings of each passenger car, with paintings or photographs of members accompanying their names and achievements if possible. The proposal even
entails naming individual cars after the commanding officer or Sergeant of each military armored train car and head engines after Rail Force Commandants of note.

Such an endeavor would've required the extraordinary effort of the government to dig through literal mountains of paperwork and wartime documentation, but thankfully, this is not the first time that the public has submitted such a plan for a memorial. Civilian memorial establishments such as the Bloody Flower Foundation have had volunteers sort through confusing messes of casualty reports and enlistment records for years in order to find names of those who served aboard the ~234 armored trains of the SICR and the countless others who ran the subterranean rail supply networks. This has resulted in the assembly of almost 2,467,349 profiles from the beginning of the war to its end.

In a controversial note, the decision by the government to include the names of those who deserted during the war across the border to neighboring countries like Kodumaa has been fiercely criticized by both living veterans and supporters of the CSP. Quoted from Royalrail1959 on the social media platform Reddit, "How come cowards who jumped the cars during combat get their names and medals engraved on the cars? I fought the Crimsons at Huoying and Beitang, lost a leg at the Sixth Battle of Xueshan when a tank managed to get past the AT guns, but somehow the [EXPLETIVE] who went to the [EXPLETIVE]s across the border and are probably sipping alcohol rations four times the size of a typical ration get their names put on the roof with those of us who earned it? It's outrageous, it's unfair!"

---

• Electorate Considering Whether to Commercialize Synthetic Fuels For Export Independent Of OPEN
• SICRNA Purchases 10 ND Tanks For Part Of Modernization Program
• Broken Star SAM Systems To Be Tested Soon, Military Says
• Dragoni Metals Refining Industries Are Slowly Growing, Experts Say
• 873 Reasons Why You Couldn't Trust The Wartime Government

This has been DBS.

To the Combined Chief Commanding Military Officers of SANE-

The SICR has, since the latter half of the 20th century during the Dragonaii Civil War, has exercised a policy of what is aptly named the Mutual Death Doctrine, which involves the stockpiling of IRBMs for strategic warfare purposes and the maintenance of a nuclear submarine fleet known as the Nuclear Naval Force with two ballistic missile submarines armed with SLBMs. Despite current politics, the green light has been given from superiors to begin tests of newer models with modern technology. This message is to inform you of such a test scheduled for the 22nd of April, 2020, with three Type 144 experimental cruise missile aimed for the Anshui Missile Proving Grounds in Hualu Provinz. The missile is equipped with only a dud practice warhead and will likely show up only far range military radar. We will be testing out our Broken Star Mk. I Advanced SAMs in a bid to test the interception capabilities, with two Type 144s being targeted. The remainder will be to test its maneuverability over mountainous terrain. As the test is occurring fairly close to the border, I request that civilian assets are diverted from the area or some story spun in national media to prevent suspicion.

Kind regards,
Chief of Staff of Internal Security
BIS Officer of the High Command Hans Oberforth-Danghe

---

[MILITARY INTELLIGENCE ONLY, SECURITY GRADE LEVEL 14 OR ABOVE]
July 23, 1948
Office of Military Innovation

To the Chiefs of Staff of the East Theater:

Under the light of the less-than-successful March Campaign earlier this year, reports have come in of the enemy using advanced copies of our Yuejian-22 radar-guided rocket bombs to attack the hardened bunkers in the 32nd Defensive Sector with unacceptable amounts of success from launch sites potentially located as far away as Volkshaven in deep enemy territory. While the sector was quickly retaken by the IFC units stationed there, I, after further analysis of these projectiles, believe that with the proper development, they can become a weapon capable of knocking out the vast forges and foundries beneath enemy industrial strongholds, in addition to giving their population the mental and physical knockout blow by finally exposing their core population to Project [REDACTED] and Victory Agents [REDACTED], [REDACTED], [REDACTED], and [REDACTED]. A plethora of opportunities are offered to us by using this platform to perform strikes on the enemy without having to sacrifice any manpower while crippling the enemy supply lines.

The modified OCDP devices are launched from a vertical platform without any wings, relying entirely on radio-guided transmission by aerial reconnaissance and follow an arc to its target often around anywhere from 300 to 600 km away at incredibly high speeds and virtually no ability to be intercepted by any of our weapons. They are similar to the old Yuqun-II ballistic models briefly serviced in the last decade during Operation D[REDACTED], but possess far more advanced targeting systems, allowing them to wipe out an entire reinforced FOB.

I am hereby vouching for a renewed effort into the development of such a weapon in an effort to destroy existing enemy stockpiles, in addition to boosting the efficiency of our current strategic bombing efforts. I await your opinions and approval.

Signed,
BIS Special Tactics Department Officer [REDACTED]

---

[INTERNAL EYES ONLY, SECURITY GRADE LEVEL 12+ REQUIRED]

September 2, 1951
War Department of Strategic Unmanned Bombardment

Initial missile tests of the Huangjin-VII SRBMs have proven fruitful. The reliable range is anywhere from 200 km to 400 km, with a 2,860 kg warhead. Five were produced throughout the course of trials, and only three have failed, landing either short or exploding in the air. All missiles have at least reached an altitude of around 45.7 km before arcing back to the target zone. Missiles were fired from [REDACTED] AFB with targets being the execution of Block 45-J, all prisoners, with full success. I have requested that additional resources be diverted to the program for the development of longer range and yield missiles.

February 24, 1958
War Department of Strategic Unmanned Bombardment

To date, almost all tests of Qujin-C V SRBMs except for Trials 12-32 have been successful, with only a collateral casualty rate of [REDACTED] and [REDACTED] IDM (adjusted to pre-war value for inflation). Proposals for deployment for the upcoming Offensive 223-E are underway, and missile production has been ramped up by 75% for strategic bombing purposes. Prototypes for advanced models are expected to see testing should results of their deployment against the enemy prove successful. We have been ordered to fit chemical and biological warheads Victory Agents [REDACTED]-C and [REDACTED]-B for their use in Operation V-16, which will require the missile silos in Offensive Sector 14 - East to be finished within five months or less. All construction projects may have to be rushed to match the new deadlines.

August 2, 1958
War Department of Strategic Unmanned Bombardment

Operation V-16 was a success. Launch sites [REDACTED], Orang-5, [REDACTED], Braun-3, Braun-4, and [REDACTED] AFB launched 42 missiles over the course of a week on targets in deep enemy territory, including the Volkeschmeiede industrial compounds in Renminhu (Jinhu) and urban collective settlement districts in Taiyuanshichang (Yushanshi) Captured reports from military intelligence have shown the almost all missiles to have successfully hit near or on their targets, causing nearly 6,000 civilian casualties from combined biological and chemical weapons. High Command is beyond pleased at results and has ordered full redirection of resources to missile design and production. Ballistic missile bombardment as part of the national military doctrine is being seriously considered and we have been ordered to build missiles and launch them on a daily basis to disrupt industrial progress in OCDP-controlled zones.

June 12, 1959
War Department of Strategic Unmanned Bombardment

Orders have come in after the enemy's last-ditch effort to push to the capital. We are to construct a contingency weapon in the event that an OCDP victory captures the capital and a government downfall is imminent. Ten missiles are to be affixed with prototype radiological warfare warheads containing cobalt-60 and strontium-90, along with biological and chemical weapons in liquid air capable form. The aim is to deny victory to the enemy at all costs necessary, even in the face of defeat by rendering the entirety of the Nestland uninhabitable. This project is to remain confidential to all but those with Security Grade Level 16+ and all unauthorized personnel possessing knowledge of the project are to be [REDACTED] for reasons of national security. The project shall be referred to as Option Five henceforth.

---

To the National-Imperial High Command of the SICR,

February 6, 1978

I, Emperor-Admiral Jing Die-Hu of the Imperial Throne, by the authority invested in me as the sovereign leader of the state and that of my ancestors proceeding me, hereby command the War Department of Strategic Unmanned Bombardment to demobilize in following orders due to the successful outcome of the Civil Conflict between the SICR and OCDP as agreed in the Treaty of Nanjing, 1978. Such weapons are no longer needed in the conclusion of the war and thus are to be disarmed and removed from active service.

1. The War Department of Strategic Unmanned Bombardment hereby referred to as the SUB, will destroy all active-duty warheads, launch vehicles, and launch systems, save for 20 warheads and their systems in the interest of the military reserve.

2. The SUB is to be disbanded and its assets merged into the SICRDASC, IFC, and Ministry of the Deep Interior, with launch sites transferred to SICRDASC control, remaining stockpiles entrusted to the IFC, and production sites to the Ministry of the Deep Interior, along with all research personnel and commanding officers. Low-security personnel are to be honorably discharged and returned to civilian life as soon as possible.

3.IFC subterranean rail systems are to discontinue service in all areas except for those allocated by the Ministry of the Deep Interior. Supply trains carrying warhead munitions are to return to production sites for dismantling.

4. The Ministry of the Deep Interior is to place all reserved personnel on efforts to continue research on the ballistic missile program, but funding will be considered low-priority, save for MIRV modernization of existing stockpiles for Option [REDACTED]

5. Option [REDACTED] is to be modernized with MIRV warheads and the existing launch sites are to be increased in number and size.

---

March 17, 1981
Ministry of the Deep Interior
[Security Clearance Level 16+ Only]

To Director [REDACTED] J.

You are to continue research and testing of a far-range missile capable of landing targets as far as the northwestern edge of the Ardian continent for an expansion of the Option Five project. Resources and manpower will be provided upon your request. A nuclear power program is currently underway to succeed the experimental National Nuclear Stack in Altreich, and the nuclear components in the radiological warfare warheads will, therefore, be available soon. Your funding is 2.2 billion IM. This sudden expansion in missile efforts is a direct order from Emperor-Admiral [REDACTED] in preparations for the circumstances of the outside world in what is planned as the nation's reemergence.

Option Five has been renamed to the Imperial Sword for matters of national security. A basic two-stage design is expected by the same date next year. Failure to produce sufficient results will result in severe consequences. I am confident you know the rest of the risks by heart. Good luck.

Signed,
Minister of the Deep Interior [REDACTED] K.

---

October 17, 1989
Ministry of the Deep Interior
[Security Clearance Level 16+ Only]

To Director [REDACTED] J.

Due to the satisfactory work that your division has produced with the Baitou-IV, your orders have been altered by order of Emperor-Admiral Jinduming to now focus on a sub-orbit-capable missile able to hit any continent in the world. Your funding has been increased to 3.4 billion IM for the project. Warheads will be carrying [REDACTED]-C chemical weapons now and all land platforms should be contained in reinforced silo sites to prevent the potential success of hostile foreign actions. Biological weapons to be implemented are still under development. Your department has been the most result-procuring by a large margin and as such your misdemeanors in the past have been overlooked. The government and armed forces reserve their faith in you. Good luck.

Signed,
Minister of the Deep Interior [REDACTED] K.

---

December 3, 1996
Ministry of the Deep Interior
[Security Clearance Level 16+ Only]

To Director [REDACTED] N.

His Imperial Highness has publicly stated his intentions to leave the nation's period of isolation and reemerge on the global stage. Your department has been ordered to look into creating more modern missiles to replace our current stockpile of Hongtou-IIs and aged number of Baitou-IVs. The development of IRBMs will be looked into later. CASC is building a replacement for our two Mazu-class nuclear ballistic missile submarines. Your division is to design a fitting SLBM for their silos to hold. Despite your predecessor's end doctrine for a nuclear-powered submarine fleet to carry our weapons to bear against foes across the world too far for our IRBMs to hit, it will do. The project is crucial for the SICR's ability to fend off potential invasion by foreign powers once we emerge from isolation in projected 2018.

Signed,
Minister of the Deep Interior [REDACTED] Q.

---

March 29, 2020
Ministry of the Deep Interior
[Security Clearance Level 16+ Only]

To Director [REDACTED] N.

High Command has ordered the Jinqiang-class nuclear ballistic submarines to be deployed for exercises. Under covert actions and the Unity Project, we will be able to conduct missile tests under an excuse and bring the sailors out for some training since 2009. Emperor-Admiral Jinduming is currently considering contacting New Derusmia's military for cooperation. Continue development of newer IRBMs for use with the Imperial Sword, regardless of pan-Ardian politics. It may also be completely possible for the Imperial Throne to request IRBM launch vehicles for use as boosters in the Unity Project, so several additional orders have been made in preparation. Should they not be used, they will be placed in reserve and outfitted with practice warheads to be used as targets for our new SAM/anti-missile system. Operations will be executed in coordination with the BIS. Currently, it is advised that we make test launches sparsely unless SANE approves of using IRBM bodies as boosters, in which further orders will follow.

Signed,
Minister of the Deep Interior [REDACTED] Q.

Jinduming frowned in surprise as she spoke, then replied in a careful tone, "The fact that you would be willing to put aside differences this soon is commendable, your Majesty. I remain divided on the vision of the future, but in light of your decisions in response to the recent events near the SICR coast, I will order the respective faculties of my government to stand down- well, those not already doing so, that is. Nevertheless, you will have to excuse my excessive caution, but I must forward my concern: The result of freeing people through purchase was between the SICR and Tamora was unfortunate and fault lies on my part for failing to react accordingly. I'd like to know what the Rokkenjiman stance is in case of a future transaction between a nation of interest to the SICR. Otherwise, I'm quite keen to discuss the details of a future partnership between SANE and CSTO."

Nanjing Central Military Command Headquarters, New Nanjing, Armed Forces High Command Building, "Plum Flower"

---

-Several men stood in the Secure Room of the Plum Flower around a large table scattered with the contents of a large leather-backed manila folder. The tab identified it as "Plan 279 - BIS Special Initiative," the black and beige confidential dot codes emblazoned on the cover indicating its home in the BIS's Active Operations vault. The heavily muffled and reinforced walls of the room along with the guards outside ensured the meeting's secure nature.

-One in a plain black suit silently read one of the documents, his lips pursed as he evaluated the proposal. The navy and grey uniform of the BIS decorated a gray-haired officer as he explained the Plan to the pair of cross-armed officers across from him.

[High Command Officer, Level 16 Clearance, Gen. Beintaut, CoS of the Armed Forces:] So, you're recommending that we sweep everything under the carpet? All projects, all initiatives, everything?

[High Command Officer, Level 16 Clearance, Gen. of the IFC Qing Huoming:] Even the New Great Wall? Wouldn't their intelligence agencies pick up that something was amiss as soon as we declared it canceled?

[High Command Officer, Level 17 Clearance, Cobalt-Silver BIS Officer of the High Command Erichmann Langulheiß:] We won't be censoring everything. Only the most sensitive parts, like the missile silos, or the anti-aircraft arrays. The same goes for military development. New vehicles made in cohesion with SANE will still be reported on, and the military conversions will continue as planned. But the projects with New Derusmia, especially the transfer of the Imperial Sword IRBMs and their warheads, along with the trains moving them must all be painted over and buried. That's where the Ministry of National Media must come in, partially. They will ensure none of it is reported, and the rail routes moving the projects must be rerouted to the deep IFC wartime networks. They are the only ones deep enough to prevent being seen from orbit with deep-penetrating scanners. Sure, when they arrive in New Derusmia they will be exposed, but by then they will be long gone and safe with the Derusmians. Even if it can't be hidden, we can alter the reports to turn them into less meaningful, but still absolutely possible situations.

[Gen. Beintaut:] ...I think I see what you're getting at. Use the military exercises that are coming up as additional cover, perhaps? We have next-generation IRBMs to test- or perhaps disguise that as part of the space program?

[Officer Erichmann Langulheiß:] It would be better to make it part of the space program entirely. We ought to notify the Derusmians in that venture, since they already have the older missiles in their hands and host the launch program.

-The suited man set the document down, turning to look at the Cobalt-Silver of the BIS as he set his glasses.

[Special Government Minister, Level 18 Clearance, Minister of the Deep Interior Guo Qinxing:] This is all very good and all, and but included is the Special Action Corps? I have read the section, and your description of "situationally-fitting environments" is questionable at best and illegal at worst. Please elaborate.

[Officer Langulheiß:] Simply put, they will give us the excuse to encourage disinterest in the area. We will give the operational commanders the objective liberty they require to execute the mission successfully- they simply must make all foreigners find the hidden project as disinteresting as possible, and hopefully simply convince them that the SICR is just a pile of rocks with paranoid, trigger-happy wilderjaegern. They will be both the drunkard and the policeman, in that case, acting together.

[Minister Guo Qinxing:] And how will we perform the operations themselves? This calls for personnel that we don't have.

[Officer Langulheiß:] Liquidate and combine the Drachenwachters and the armed branch of the Watchers under a single special forces unit. It's been coming for almost two decades now, so why not get it over with? We could use their skills, and they've been underfunded for the last thirteen years if the tax reports are correct. Transfer them under the Deep Interior as the Disinterest Operations Executive Group and bring in recruit agents with acting backgrounds if we need more. Personnel will be no issue. We don't need constant operations, either. We can operate on the projects in multiple locations by using the IFC rail networks, and most activity takes place under the Armories, so we should be more than fine.

[Minister Guo Qinxing:] I see. Very well then, your proposal is accepted and authorized by the Deep Interior. If my meeting with the Emperor-Admiral later today is successful, you will see the liquidation of the mentioned organizations by tomorrow morning. Gentlemen-

-The minister turned towards the military officers, indicating to the file that the BIS officer was now gathering up and organizing.

[Minister Guo Qinxing:] As you all understand, everything spoken stays here. I will communicate with my counterpart in the Ministry of the Interior for your roles in the new program. Thank you for being present, and you are all dismissed.

Jinduming was hopeful that the meeting would finally lead to an end of Rokkenjiman disagreements with the SICR. He'd never met this "Evanthe Rhodes," and while quite delighted by the essential clean slate that she offered the SICR, he was quietly worried about his people's growing legitimate emotional hatred towards the Anselmo now Rhodes-led government. Most of this he understood was his own fault: the national media was still heavily restricted and censored by the BIS, with the BIS being the main and only source of news for most dragonaii. "Perhaps it is time for the relaxation of free speech then," he'd told himself earlier.

 But then there were the other problems of the disagreements in the first place. The trade with Tamora, the Rokkenjiman submarine near the SICR, ND's actions with Clysperis, weapon expansion programs, Sinsu- all of these, he realized, was because most of them had been publicized or because of the politically militant old guard. It wasn't just actual free speech his nation needed- what he needed was to bring the politically sensitive programs behind lead and steel curtains, and get rid of the old guard. Most of them were in their seventies anyway- he could force them into retirement.

For all of his problems to begin to end though, he concluded, Rokkenjima needed to become something besides being marked with a red and yellow warning symbol on the national dossier lying on his desk. He shifted in his seat as the pilot noticed him of the helicopter's landing. As he stepped out, he fixed on his cap and moved his sword to the back of his waist for comfort.

He found himself escorted to the rest of the group and quietly joined King Lapu and Empress Avanthe. He offered her a polite bow, greeting her, "Well met, Empress Avanthe. My apologies for being late."

---

The war goes by many names. In politics, the Century Revolt is one common among the CSP, and the Great Tragedy finds great employment by the SWP. Those in the SWP call it the Dragoni Civil War. But as for those still alive when the battles were fought and rest of the populace, it is simply the War of Black Blood.

Historians have disagreed constantly for when the war ended, some incredibly optimistic sources ranging from the surrender of the first OCDP government in 1878 to the evacuation of OCDP troops to the coastal delta and Eastern Theater in 1958 and official sources marking the end to be at February 3, 1978, with the destruction and capture of the last stronghold and troops. It is universally agreed though that the war started on 1815, December 2.

In the early nineteenth century, the economy of the FICR was widely dependent on an agrarian economy of rice and potatoes, with tax collectors being members of the nobility. Around 76 percent of the population were farmers, 21 percent educated middle class, and 3 percent nobility. A recent series of bad harvests and blights had caused some worry to the farming population, but the aged dragoni tradition of stockpiling food for emergencies had prevented any major famines for the time.

Corruption was rife through the FICR's nobles, who along to controlling most of the political power in the national legislature, recurringly placed those ill-fit to lead in military, administrative, and civil roles, skyrocketing anger against the current Emperor-Regent Ming Xinhai for his inaction despite watching dozens of peaceful protesters being beaten by thugs hired by nobles during a peaceful student demonstration in 1803. (There is some evidence that the Emperor-Regent enjoyed "special privileges" in return for turning a blind eye to the growing deterioration of the nation, which would have explained the inordinate amount of luxury goods delivered directly to the Imperial Palace at the time.)

In 1807, the Great Famine occurred, bringing a man-made disaster that caused the emergency stockpiles to dwindle away by 1812, caused by the over-taxation of the local peasantry. Crops were taxed by the nobility who kept increasing quotas to add to their own wealth, and when those quotas failed to be met, water supplies were cut off and livestock seized as payment. This added resentment against the upper class combined with an especially early harsh summer that killed most farmers' crops and froze livestock to death. This culminated in the June Revolts, where 230,000 peasants in Gan'xi began to at first protest en masse to their local lords to reduce quotas, then openly revolted as their emergency food supplies were confiscated. The provincial nobility dispatched Lord General Guo Weiyi was sent to crush the rebellion but during the clash in the village of (now-abandoned) Linlukou, many imperial troops began to defect to the farmers' side, resulting in an even more chaotic battle.

Despite the eventual victory of imperial troops, the nobility was shaken to its core and demanded the Emperor-Regent do something, thus resulting in the Guanghai Massacre, where an entire town suspected of housing rebels was selected to be used as an example to the rest of the nation. Nearly seven thousand residents were made to march over the town bridge and were promptly shot or beheaded, their bodies falling over into the rapids below. The town was then forcibly resettled by political prisoners, where secret police kept a close eye on all inhabitants and executed those suspected of traitorous ideals at a whim. It was here where Meng Renming wrote the "Peasants' Rows," its ideas being used as the base rhetoric for the growing populist Crimson Banner Movement in 1814.

Instead of suppressing and instilling fear as the nobility and Throne had intended, the executions resulted in public outrage and increasing support from the middle class, who were beginning to feel the impact of the Famine on their trade. Impoverished peasants began to organize and refuse to pay, lynching tax collectors and terrorizing local officials. Other, wealthier and more educated radicals began forming political far-left groups based on the ideas of "Peasants' Rows," culminating in the 1814 Crimson Banner Movement. They began forming "rice unions," parties that collectivized harvests to sell together for an equally distributed profit. While the political alignments of these organizations ranged from anarchy to centralized top-down distribution systems, all shared the use of armed militias to both keep peace and drive government influence away, their member usually consisting of deserters from the imperial army proper. Clashes between militias and provincial armies often resulted in dozens of deaths and hundreds of wounded, usually from friendly fire.

At the same time, moderates made up of the educated middle class and certain parts of the peasantry formed the pro-democracy pact, which aimed to establish either a republic or constitutional monarchy in place of the horribly corrupt and ineffective Imperial administration
 
As the Great Famine worsened, so did the Emperor-Regent's appeal to the nobility. He was deposed in a coup late 1914 and replaced by the Just Council, an oligarchy of nobles. They were then replaced by the 23-year old Emperor-Successive Ming Huoxing and his loyalist Imperial House Guard, all in the span of a month. The new Emperor-Regent raced against time to stop the oncoming revolts and soften the blow of the Famine, but it was too little and too late. On December 2, disaffected military officers sympathetic towards the Crimson Banner Movement allied with officials and other military officers that were pro-democracy staged a coup, intending to place a temporary junta in charge of the nation. However, unexpected fierce resistance by the House Guard prevented the revolutionaries from capturing the Emperor-Regent, who was evacuated to first loyalist Blut-Himmel Stadt and then Eltenbacht, where Imperial supporters rallied and prepared to retake Nanjing.

The nobles quickly seized power as chaos unfolded, becoming warlords with varying alliances for or against each ideology. In Nanjing, the political situation quickly deteriorated as the moderates and Crimson Banners were unable to find common ground and burst into skirmishes along the streets of Nanjing, eventually resulting in a victory for the moderates. Meanwhile still, loyalist enclaves of now-exiled brigades began to make their way west, harassing both presumed warlord and Crimson Banners elements alike as they retreated towards friendly lines.

The war did not begin there by the chaotic dissolution of the nation, but it is considered the beginning of the end as it created the environment needed for the war's start by marking the same day the Imperial Army began mobilization. His Majesty would perish at his own hands a few hours later, leaving his younger brother to take his place as the Monarch of the Imperial Dragonaii. The moderates would seek an alliance and reconcile with the Emperor in the following days as Nanjing, only 17 miles from the marked front lines, was threatened by presumed Crimson invasion, creating the Dragonaii Imperial Coalition faction of the early war to rival the National Defense and Action Council of the Crimson Banners.

An ultimatum by militia leaders from the Crimson Banners was received on December 5 following the unsuccessful coup as violent clashes began to break out along the mess of a front line by settlement militias, often with bloody hand-to-hand and close-range combat, as army hardware was hard to come by and old muskets and shotguns appropriated from farms were used in place alongside dao and often kitchen knives strapped to the end of wooden or bamboo poles. It is believed that the message was transported by horseback to the gates of the capital, unescorted, by a young woman whose name purportedly was Min Xinhai- however, sources for this all refer to propaganda media by the OCDP, and is therefore largely held to be false by the major scholarly community.

The Lord President de facto at the time, Lord Elector Wu Qiangan was largely a puppet of the nobles, and as such was mostly powerless. Nevertheless, he attempted a secret peace negotiation with several Crimson leaders, including one Erlich Guo, who would later become the first Premier of the OCDP. The meeting's conclusion was dubious but resulted in an agreement to consider talks in the future, only for Wu Qiangan to be bludgeoned to death by a rioting mob two days later as he tried to reenter the capital. 

Though the position of Lord President would change hands for dozens of times as competing factions fought for power within the Electorate, attempts for peace did not stop there. One of the generals of the then Imperial High Guard, An Xi, desperately attempted to convince the new Emperor-Admiral to acquiesce to some of the terms of the Crimson Banners' terms in their demands, including completely free reelection of the Electorate to give the Banners' representation by pro-peasantry nobles. However, the new monarch suspected the officer of treason after being urged by pro-divine-right-of-king eunuchs and had him promptly imprisoned.

The Imperial Army was officially fully mobilized by February 14, and the frontline militias were quickly supplemented by army officers from both sides by March 27. Negotiations broke down for good on May 3, when Imperial Army officers ordered an entire village shot after suspecting the population of espionage. Both sides figured a relatively quick and decisive war would follow, further encouraged after the brief siege, capture, and occupation of Nanjing by Banner forces on May 10.

SICR:Same as you would pronounce it regularly, Seh-cund Emper-ee-ahl chih-nee-s Ree-pub-lick
Dragonaii: Dra-gun-ai
Dragoni: Dra-go-nee
Nanjing: Nan-Jeen
Hualu: Hu-wa-Loo

Heisen-Dumingjia: High-sen Do-meen-jiya
Altreich: Ahlt-rie-ck
Eltenbacht: El-ten-bau-ckt
Blut-Himmel Stadt: Bloot-Him-mel-Stahd-t
Helte: Hell-teh
Wandu-Essen: Wahn-do Ess-ehn

Heisen-Draumer: High-sehn Draw-mehr
Er'Mingtua: Ehr-Meen-To-wa
Ganxi: Gahn-shi
Baxi'Dinguo: Bah-shi Deen-guh-woh

(Note: I bitterly regret how I named this two years ago, it sounds so pretentious now I read it.)

 

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Demobilization, a proposed set of laws and reforms first placed in motion during the late months of 1948, has once more been brought up in the Electorate's chamber. Created as the governing set of laws that would finally set a war-torn SICR on the path to the global stage, the law was set aside in favor of Reemergence, the current doctrine for foreign policy that has seen the expansion of dragonaii military assets and isolationist policies. With foreign relations beginning to drag and the SICR economy barely scraping by every day, the SEP has once more pushed forward the bill in an effort to "reintroduce ourselves the way we originally meant to almost eighty years ago."

Demobilization is no simple task, as experts have pointed out. It first challenges the Emperor-Admiral's powers as a monarch and the Electorate's role as a legislative body, organizing the Imperial Throne into either a constitutional monarch sharing power with the Electorate, abolishing the Electorate in favor of an absolute monarchy, or dissolving the powers and position of the monarchy entirely to replace it with a democratic government. Choosing any of these options would likely immediately set off another political crisis resembling the start of the Civil War, making any decision result with potentially disastrous consequences.

The second purpose of Demobilization is the role of the provincial regions under the central government control. The pre-war FICR possessed larger autonomy for the provincial governors, placing police under the command of the governors, along with the command of each regional National Guard. Following the Civil War's disastrous warlord-like state, the SICR wartime administration focused upon the intense supervision of every county, resulting in the current system of state-sponsored appointments of regional governors by the Electorate. Whether the system will be altered to a federal level again is up for speculation, but given the current regime's current political climate, many political experts have expressed doubt that the provinces will be given much liberty as individual states.

The third function is foreign policy and military involvement abroad. The legislators responsible for the drafting of Demobilization split ideas often on how the SICR would respond to the then-unknown international climate and figured to instead maintain an open mind to new ideas and innovations. Propositions included forming an economic partnership with neighbors while seeking to reclaim Sinsic lands by either military or diplomatic means. Modern politics have thus rendered large portions of this section completely obsolete, to which the SEP has offered a replacement: change the largely xenophobic ideals of the nation and negotiate treaties of friendship between Rokkenjima and Nui Cenneslaig. Criticism has been expressed with the plan's apparent alienation of SANE, but SEP politicians have assured that "something can be arranged."

The fourth and final point is the release of economic and public assets by assuming the end of the War Economy State Measure. Corporations and media outlets would be released from ownership and censorship by the National Economic Commission and BIS, respectively. Many pre-war public establishments, such as the Free Knowledge Acts (which would allow the public to access previously classified government records,) Law Jurisdiction Acts (allowing the Imperial Courts to place accused under trial and barring the BIS from executions-on-site.) A declaration of war would no longer be allocated to only the Emperor, but also would require a 2/3rds vote by the Electorate (and a popular vote in case of a first strike scenario, in which all those who voted for the bill would then be obligated by law to volunteer for military service in some form or manner, ranging from high financial contributions to military research participation to downright serviceman/woman.) and also the consent of the President.

By no means has the bill been passed, but neither has it been thrown out yet, with all three parties considering adapting some parts of Demobilization to their public doctrines. While the debate continues in Nanjing, the public is once again divided between the wartime state that has been the official power-that-be for the last century and the promise of a new system to solve the problems of the First Imperial Republic.

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This has been DBS.

To His Grace Grand Duke Hugo Lascelles of Bakkarmaya,

I understand completely your concerns regarding the SICR in the Aridian Assembly and that of the opinion of my people, but I can whole-heartedly assure you that there is no immediate need for concern on the topic. I am confident that the Electorate will not make any such moves due to just a few radicals' opinions, and I can personally guarantee that I have no interest in acting without first negotiating and informing the Assembly ahead of time. Additionally, the Nestland will elect a new President of the Electorate soon, and there are no doubt parties sympathetic to the Assembly's mission. Nevertheless, I will have my acting Minister of Foreign Affairs meet you for discussions on the SICR's future with the Ardian Assembly, I hope for the best outcome between our nations and the members of Ardia as a whole.

May you enjoy good health in mind and spirit,

Emperor-Admiral Jinduming von Nanjing

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Following a letter of resignation to the President, the Foreign Relations Minister has stepped down from her post last night, citing not declining health, nor a desire to spend more time with family, but instead in shame for failing to prevent the humiliation collectively suffered by the nation in the last two years that the SICR has returned to the global stage. The letter was delivered in person by Minister Jia-Weyi, who reportedly carried a case of all her personal belongings and turned in her government badge and seal, in addition to keys of the Foreign Relations Minister's Office. She departed the capital back to her hometown in Lower Zhuhang, Altreich at 11:47 PM IST by high-speed-rail.

Having worked for the government for over 47 years to helping forge foreign policy, the Minister was involved with the dissolution of the SICR's isolationist policies and spent the majority of her career fighting the isolationist parties within the Electorate, while traveling all over the nation to encourage young voters to elect anti-isolationist legislators as the Secretary of External Influence. After President Gang Bingshan's election in 2005, she pushed again for the reemergence of the SICR into Mundus as a highly industrialized trading partner but was not successful until being made Minister of Foreign Relations in 2018 when the Emperor-Admiral chose to finally reestablish contact with neighboring nations.

The 67-year-old left behind several documents outlining how the Imperial Administration was woefully unprepared to deal with modern politics after over a century of brutal war and isolation, leading to disorganized and ill-guided responses to multiple crises, including the Tamora-SICR Trade Incident and the Sinsu Question, both of which were labeled "disgraceful" by the Minister in the gathered number of documents, now being referred to as the "Jia Report" by the media. Many sections of the compiled information collectively attribute many failures in the Sinsu Question to leftover extreme nationalist sentiment from the Pheonix Era, and still more of the purchase of human labor from Tamora as the still-remaining picture of the SICR as liberators of the oppressed, relating to when the Imperial Dragonaii Army freed political prisoners from the work camps of the OCDP during the late stages of the war.

"Overall," it was written, "I stand in disillusion and deep humility for failing my duty to my fellow people as a government official, never mind my experience or seniority. I have lost the right to my office by my incompetent display, and therefore aim to serve the nation is another position where I shall be able to serve better. May my successor have greater success and may our debt to misfortune be considered paid."

Minister Jia-Weiyi's sudden resignation in the face of yet another crisis, this time the Clysperi Civil War, has brought up much panic in the Electorate over mostly how other senior members of the government may react and whether the decision to reemerge was a good one. The CSP issued a joint statement, declaring that "the loss of such a talented and experienced government officer shows only how underprepared the SICR is to face the world. The best step we can take now is a step back, so that we may consider our decisions and situation more carefully." Emperor-Admiral Jinduming meanwhile encouraged the government and people to push forward, pointing out that "If we wish to prevent future incidents, then we must face it. We will act, and act in however necessary to resolve this problem, in coordination with our allies."

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This has been DBS.

Memorial Park, Old Nanjing

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The crowd was hardly even that big, just barely over a hundred students seated cross-legged on the grass, almost serenely staring back at the cold-faced police officers before them. Most of them were nervously glancing from drawn nightstick to shotgun, shifting uneasily in their seats. The more resolute gave the officers the same stony look back. Respirators and gas masks hung around their necks, and hollow metal pipes rested on their laps, typical of dragoni protesting style.

They watched one another, an invisible line dividing the concrete area from the grass where the protesters were.

The first BIS armored car rolled to a halt just behind the line of law enforcement officers.

Half a dozen BIS officers stepped out, silenced submachine guns drawn and loaded. They wore full body armor, compared to the light parkas of the students. They were followed by riot police wielding body-length shields and batons, helmeted faces joining the line of policemen and women already present. It thickened, and slowly began to encircle the demonstrators.

A younger protestor lost his composure and bolted, dashing across the grass to the safety of the sidewalk at the opposite end of the park. A few more followed, then almost the entire group scattered, leaving only seven protestors seated on the ground. The officers let them.

One looked forlornly at the wall of black and blue uniforms, murmuring only to himself, "Like vultures they descend."

There was a moment where the small cells of human bodies were still, officers glaring down on the ringleaders as if they were ants.

There would be no one who would hear them scream from the dense oak groves.

---

Pharaoh Akasha Di-‘nh-mi-Re,

I find your message quite intriguing. Allow me to first say that as one would expect, coming from a dragonaii, I am skeptical, if not concerned. Secondly, consider Royal Clysperis free of spite from the SICR at least in official economic channels, for we have put the hatchet underfoot with Sinsu. Your concern for our plight is noted.

While you have your position against the First Empire is on a similar level as the SICR, the terms of recent, notably your declaration against the Socialist Republic of New Derusmia. If we were to engage in such a discussion, I highly advise that the treatment of New Derusmians be acting in assistance to the Confederacy be reconsidered.

Nevertheless, you have my interest. I am unable to go myself, as I am currently occupied by domestic problems, but I shall dispatch my Foreign-Relations Minister to attend in my tenure.

Most Sincerely,

Emperor-Admiral Jinduming von Nanjing of the Ming-Brandenburg Throne