Dzhavid took a moment to consider. "Well, I don't think the communists could really object to having security advisors around, at least not when we have a common enemy. And they certainly couldn't object to Izhitsans getting educated abroad. I think we have a plan." Dzhavid made a mental note to give Karamovo a call when this was over.

"As for the nobles," he added, "That's a tough issue. Izhitsa's hereditary nobility was already on the way out when the civil war began. They only held actual land in Dzelo and Shta, but even in the rest of the country, they opposed free markets for their own benefit. I spent a large part of my career trying to take back monopolies and exclusive trading rights from Izhitsan nobles who'd had them for generations. In fact, I believe a few even joined the nationalists because they thought they could get those monopolies back. Of course, most of them have been forced off their lands by the nationalists or the communists, but you can see where our difficulties come from. What we really need is an ally among the nobility to advocate for a strong, democratic Izhitsa. But that's our problem. We already have a few people in mind."

Following widely reported gridlock in the Dochasny Rada, it seems that the last two weeks have seen a flurry of negotiation and back-room dealing in an effort to get something passed—but the end result isn’t likely to impress the provisional government. The document, which was released yesterday, reads as follows:



WE, the undersigned, in order to perfect the union between the constituent regions of Izhitsa, hereby set forth this document, which will serve to guide the people of Izhitsa into a new dawn.
WE hereby reject the authority of an unelected assembly to determine the future of this nation, and condemn any attempts to force the people of Izhitsa to accept rule to which they do not consent.
IN order to set forth a united nation, unbeholden to any one man or idea, dedicated to the betterment of Izhitsan society, national elections will take place on 8 January 2021 in each of the constituent regions of Izhitsa. Each region will elect 30 delegates to a Federal Assembly, except for the Grand Duchy of Ved and the Yach Governate, which will receive 40 delegates to acknowledge their population and size.
THE election is to take place according to the pre-war laws of the region. Where electoral districts are used, districts may be combined as long as each combined district is contiguous and no resulting district is 20% larger in population than any other.
THE first role of the Federal Assembly is to debate and draft the new constitution of Izhitsa, which will be submitted for ratification by each constituent region of Izhitsa on 26 July 2021.
THE second role of the Federal Assembly is to legislate, according to majority rule, binding legislation for all of Izhitsa.
TO pass into law, this document is to be ratified by the majority of five elected representatives from each constituent region, to be chosen by vote on 18 December 2020.
HENCEFORTH, the Dochasny Rada is disbanded, and may do no legislative work.
LET it never be said that Izhitsans allowed themselves to submit to warlords and tyrants.


The constitution created by the Dochasny Rada is a profound rejection of the role placed on the delegates over the previous year, one which many felt was unjustly given. Without creating a new permanent government for Izhitsa, it mandates the creation of a constitution by elected delegates.
As the document was read out to anti-Dochasny Rada protestors in front of the former king’s palace late yesterday evening, the crowd rose up in celebration, eventually dispersing to local bars and pubs. The event was widely viewed as a victory for those who felt that the Yach Governate and Izhitska Ednota had taken the country into an anti-democratic direction. That a constitution was passed at all is widely considered to be a result of weeks of protest.
A spokesman for Izhitska Ednota, when asked whether the party would accept the constitution, said, “There is no question that the Dochasny Rada has not performed as expected. However, we do feel bound to accept its ruling in this case.” They declined to comment on the transfer of power between the provisional government and the new Federal Assembly, saying that it was a matter to be determined at a later date.
The document was passed as a result of tense negotiations between Liberal, Conservative, and Social-Democratic delegates, who, finding inherent flaws with the Dochasny Rada itself, took it upon themselves to create an elected constitutional committee without breaking any of the rules set by the provisional government.
Despite the victories won on Monday, many of the people involved with the new constitution have expressed fears that it will not make it into law. Vladen Korzhef, Liberal Party leader and key player in the negotiations, commented, “Our greatest fear now is the ratification process. From the beginning, the provisional government has refused to give us the time we need to have this ratified in time for national elections. I suspect they might try to interfere with the election process, or at least stall it. Our brightest days are now ahead of us, but only if we fight for them.”

After news broke Wednesday of a standstill in the Dochasny Rada, protests against the appointed constitutional committee have been renewed—with a new turn. In several city centers, violence has broken out, targeting government buildings and even harming several aid workers.

While reports of a standstill in the Dochasny Rada have yet to be confirmed by the Truth, the news has spread like wildfire. The Inquirer report has reprinted in as many as 50 independent journals across Izhitsa, many of which added their own embellishments. As a result, protests have begun independently in every major city from Assif Ushaa to Kherhorod.

On Friday, in Hrabohrada, where tensions run highest, a mob stormed the former king’s palace, the current governmental heart of the city, and demanded to be let in to view the Dochasny Rada. When the guards refused, protestors surrounded the palace, shouting slogans overnight and refusing to allow any of the officials or workers there to leave. By the next morning, the outside of the palace was covered in graffiti, with local police forces unable to cope with the massive throngs of people.

Meanwhile, in Tilhuitnah, police detained a group of anarchist agitators, both Izhitsans and Yachese, who attempted to kidnap High Lord Dzhavid on his way to work. They accused Dzhavid of deliberately harming the constitutional process in an attempt to take control of Izhitsa under an authoritarian regime.

By Saturday, unrest had spread across the nation, and not just because of the constitutional committee. A protest in Assif Ushaa for Yachese independence was met by batons and water cannons from the local police after they began fighting with a pro-isolation protest on the next street over. Anti-communist protestors in Dozortse killed an Izhitska Ednota official. A group of rioters in Trkh looted an aid distribution center, trampling several aid workers, two of whom remain in critical condition at the time of writing.

The riot in Hrabohrada still remained strong by Saturday night. Around 8:35, a small fire started in the north part of the former king’s palace, scaring off most of the rioters. However, nearly 200 stayed, attempting to block emergency services from entering the block. These were arrested by Izhitska Ednota Partisans after considerable resistance. Police are still on the lookout for the perpetrators of the fire.

The proceedings of these last few days beg the question: Is it worth keeping the activities of the Dochasny Rada secret? The secrecy of the constitutional committee was meant to keep away public pressure, but all it has done is allow uncorroborated reports to cause unrest. And if the reports are true, then those delegates could use all the public pressure they can get.

"That's... mm..." Dzhavid was having a harder time with this question than he thought he would. "It's complicated." He decided the tactful approach would be best. "Most Yachese are interested in improving our status in Izhitsa. For a long time, I have advocated for greater autonomy for our country and greater safety for our culture, but there are certainly others who want to split off from Izhitsa entirely. They're fools, of course, but I understand why. You know the usual complaints. Centuries of exploitation from a colonising power, too small a voice in Izhitsan Parliament, and, of course, these days, there's the economic issue. The rest of Izhitsa is devastated because of the civil war. In Yach, they only got as far west as Butlddula. We're on track to become a local economic power, if we play our cards right. G'ua Yach, er, the people who want Yachese independence, don't realise that we need the Izhitsans just as much as they need us. We've been linked for hundreds of years religiously, culturally, and historically. And then there are the practical concerns. Separating from Izhitsa entirely will reduce the burden of helping those people, but in the end it'll hurt our trade and harm our economic recovery."

Hatsek translated this for Debeauson, then frowned. "High Lord," he said, "Those are nice sentiments, but I'll notice you haven't actually answered his question."

"Oh, yes," said Dzhavid. "I think we'll see what people think of staying with Izhitsa in the next elections. If G'ua Yach get into power, there will probably be a referendum, and they'll probably win. I don't think that'll happen, though. Most of us Yachese know what's best for us."

	Lubor Yelinek
Roles	Izhitsan Ambassador to Cassiopeia
Year of birth	1983: Obkhodni M’esto
Education	2007: Doctor of Law at Hrada University
Positions Held	2010-2012: Ambassador’s Secretary in Cassiopeia
Family	Wife - Linda Yelinekova Son - Petr Yelinek Son - Jirzhi Yelinek
Links to Important events?
Biography	Like the rest of the world’s diplomats in Cassiopeia, Lubor Yelinek experienced an unexpectedly early retirement after the Cassiopeian junta’s decision to close its borders. However, considering that the rest of Izhitsa’s diplomatic staff would experience a similar situation with the 2013 nationalist uprising, he feels almost lucky to have gotten home before the rush. Yelinek has maintained a keen interest in Cassiopeian affairs since he left the country, and feels a sort of kinship between Izhitsa and Cassiopeia: both nations who suffered under militaristic misrule and chaos for over ten years. He feels the effects of that misrule most keenly in the lower half of his right leg, lost to an IED during the nationalist takeover of Obkhodni M’esto, and replaced with a wood prosthetic. Though, as he tells anyone who will listen, it could have been worse. He could have been the guy who set it off.

During a press conference on an economic stimulus bill now in debate in Yachese Parliament, Sekkura Mona raised eyebrows with her answer to a question on recent legislation passed in Kopsje. The law bans the practice of religion by children under the age of 13, and as well as any public display of religious symbols.


During the press conference, a reporter from the Abakha Independent asked her about her opinion on the Kopsje law. Her press secretary immediately took the podium and said that she was not there to discuss the small Northern Ocean nation, but Mona nudged her assistant aside and answered the question anyway. She expressed support for Kopsje Parliament, saying, “It’s alright to do religion in the privacy of your own home, but it’s not right to practice it right in front of someone’s children.” Her words were a deliberate echo of remarks by Conservative MP Alesh Ludovich about a 2018 bill she sponsored which would have legalised gay marriage in Yach.

Her words sparked immediate backlash from her fellow MPs. The Conservatives denounced the statement as “a classic Leftist move to devalue Orthodoxy in public life.” The Liberals and Social Democrats issued a joint statement saying that freedom of religion has always been an important part of Izhitsan heritage. Perhaps the most unexpected criticism came from Mona’s own party. Areksim Brabets, her fellow anarchist in Parliament, criticised the law as “fascistic, and the complete opposite of what we should try to achieve in Izhitsa.”

However, the statement didn’t only draw ire. Isid Rahaman, a G’ua Yach MP, argued, “Religion has long played a role in the oppression of Yachese people by Izhitsans. It’s no coincidence that the Unionist parties have all come out to support it against those who speak truth. This is just another example of Rus oppressors attempting to legitimise their perpetual crusade.”

Mona, a member of the anarchist party Platform, rose to Parliament from Abakha in 2015 on the slogan “No Gods, No Masters.” Since then, she has been a controversial figure, alienating a significant portion of her fellow MPs—but polls indicate that this has only strengthened her popularity in her home district. She is expected to be re-elected in the next Yachese elections sometime next year.

The caretaker sighed. "That was the year the Revna collapsed," he said, as Hatsek translated. "The banking crisis and a drop in aluminum prices were driving mining companies out of business. Izhitsan Parliament tried to save them, but they ended up spending so much that the currency crashed. Most of the companies folded anyway. Bartosh-Zenit, Demian Metals, Dozortsy Hlinik, all gone, just like that." He noticed the surprised look on Dzhavid's face. "What?" said the caretaker, smirking, "You think someone who spent all their time around kings doesn't know a thing or two about politics? I'll be on my way. There are some things needing washing up."
The caretaker left the room, humming a folk song to himself.

The Izhitsans mulled over what was being said. Hatsek coughed. "I'd, uh, just like to correct a possible misapprehension that we may have caused through a... poor choice in words. We are here to design an aid programme. We are not here to say to one nation, 'You may operate,' and to everyone else, 'You may stay over there.' Rather, we are here to organise the efforts of the countries interested in an aid programme for Izhitsa, and to avoid conflict between the aiding powers."
He reviewed the notes he had taken. "Now, I would like to express my disappointment in the fact that some of our delegates today doesn't seem to believe that free trade is necessary for a nation's reconstruction. But, of course, as they say, the sins of the few should not rest upon the many. If you'll allow me to confer with my fellows for just a bit, we'll just, uh, hash out some details."

He whispered to the other Izhitsans. "I don't like the idea of bringing a foreign warship into our territory."
Ondrevich shrugged. "Mm, it could be seen as a play into the hands of the Fleuroix, or..."
"Or?"
"Well, the Izhitsan coast guard is not at its best right now."
"You're not seriously considering allowing a naval vessel into Izhitsan waters simply to threaten smugglers?"
"They said it was unarmed now, right?" said Karamovo. "There's no reason for anyone to fear it."
"At the very least, a Fleuroix ship in Izhitsan waters would feel bound to report anything untoward happening near our ports," said Dzhavid.
"And more important, it would balance the power of the monarchists," said Karamovo.
"So you're agreed?" said Hatsek with a disapproving frown. "Even though it will antagonise the others?"
"Yes. Now onto the next thing," said Dzhavid. "The food."
"The Fleuroix seem to be under the impression that they can provide for Izhitsa's needs entirely from Albion," said Hatsek, "while the Clysperi seem to be hell-bent on dumping loads of grain into our economy at any cost."
"Of course, we have to take everything we can get, right?" said Ondrevich.
"Absolutely," said Hatsek. "I was merely suggesting that if we wish to keep them in the programme, we need to allow the Fleuroix to satisfy their insatiable desire to look like the most virtuous people on the world stage, while still allowing the Pharoah to empty her grain stores in Izhitsa."
"Keeping a warship in our waters won't be enough?" said Karamovo.
Hatsek ignored the comment. "I suggest a unified rationing---"
"Absolutely not." Dzhavid's glare said everything Hatsek needed to know.
Hatsek cleared his throat. "What I meant to say, High Lord, was a unified food aid distribution programme, run by Izhitsans, but overseen by the participating nations, and governed from a federal level, much like the foreign office. It will be much simpler to distribute the food that way instead of attempting to wrangle four nations with vastly different foreign policy aims."
"And it'll give the Fleuroix the propaganda coup they want while allowing the Clysperi to dump as much grain on our shores as they like," said Karamovo.
"Exactly, Chairman. We tell the world that boatloads of food has been shipped into Izhitsa, and each nation can tell their citizens that they are the most important nation in the deal."
Dzhavid nodded. "That will be fine, Minister."

After some discussion, the Izhitsans presented their plan.
"First let me say, delegates," said Dzhavid, "that we are all appreciative of your generosity and support in our time of troubles. Now, as they say, let's get down to business. We propose the creation of a new arm of Izhitsan federal government to handle the distribution of aid from foreign governments and NGOs. The Ministry of Aid will be overseen by a committee appointed by each participating organisation, and headed by a minister from Izhitska Ednota and a minister from the Yach Governate. Following the adoption of the new constitution, one minister will head the organisation from a federal level. Our aim is to streamline the aid process as much as possible, so that no nation will be seen to be favored in one way or another by our government.
"Medical aid, including hospital ships, will also fall under the purview of this new ministry. Now, we would like to recognise the concerns of the nations gathered here today about the potential danger posed by the presence of a Lafayette-class vessel in Izhitsan waters. However, given that the ship will be unarmed, we believe that despite even its small space will be helpful in a crisis such as this. We suggest to the Fleuroix the possibility of using it to send personnel from highly specialised medical fields, to support Izhitsa in areas where it completely lacks expertise."
Ondrevich cut in. "As for the possibility of consulting NGOs, as the High Lord mentioned, we will look into appealing those you named for help."
"Now," said Karamovo, "for the landmine removal." He cracked the knuckles on one hand. "Up until now, the Izhitska Ednota Partisan Brigade has been leading the minesweeping effort, with some reinforcement from the Yach Governate Armed Forces. We propose to create a new branch of the Izhitsan armed forces to deal just with the landmines. With the help of volunteers from Achkaerin and Clysperis, as well as military advisors from Fleur, we will root these out from our farms and villages and life will return back to normal."

The High Lord gave Debeauson a firm handshake as the Izhitsans led him to a well-lit study.
"The Director was just remarking on how modest the villa seems to be compared to the rest of the royal residences," said Bartolomey.
"I think that was rather the point," said Dzhavid. "It was commissioned by King Stanimir I's third son, Zde'nek the Shadow. He fought in the Unification War, you know. He was there when his father crowned himself king of Izhitsa, only to form a parliamentary government. The impression I have from his writings is that he felt that for all the trappings of royalty that the family had, the monarchy was nothing but a farce. This villa was the only thing that seemed real to him."
Bartolomey translated for Debeauson, adding his own comment to the effect that the wine probably made the house more attractive despite its size. "Speaking of which," he said, "we must have some. Just a glass, to satisfy our visitor's curiosity."
The caretaker of the house, an elderly Yachese man, brought out a bottle. "1996," he said. "That was a good year. For the wine that is. Everything else was like hell."

"Indeed, we shall," said Dobroslav. "In the meantime," he said, checking his watch, "Peace be with you. We've got some exciting times ahead, I think."

---

OOC: I'm okay to conclude at this point.

Ondrevich cleared his throat. "Right, if there are no further questions, let's move on to the next part of the agenda. What resources are your governments willing to spare?"

Izhitsa votes for Tytor.

3:00 arrived, and the delegates were brought one by one to a meeting room on the other side of the tower. It was clear that some effort had been made in  preparing the room to meet the delegates' standards. They'd even brought in a video projector to replace the old overhead projector that had lasted the building through three owners and a war.


The Izhitsans were already seated at the front. On the right side of the room sat Matvey Karamovo and Dushan Ondrevich, and on the left were Antek Dzhavid and Bartolomey Hatsek. The translators fitted the delegates with earpieces before standing behind them and putting on their own. One of Karamovo's assistants, smartly dressed, sat behind a computer which looked like a direct import from 1998.
Dzhavid cleared his throat as a slide depicting a map of Izhitsa appeared on the screen. "Honored guests," he said, "You know why you're here. Izhitsa is unable to feed itself, and as members of both the local community—" he gestured to the Achkaerinese and Clysperi— "and the republican community—" he gestured to the Fleuroix and Tytorians— "you have admirably answered our call for help."
Karamovo coughed. "But," said the Chairman, "you'll need our help to organise your efforts to truly help our people. Next slide, please, Gabriela, thank you." The screen now showed the agenda for the meeting. "First, we'll be explaining the lay of the land and the needs of the people. Then, we'll be discussing what resources you have to spare, before coming to an agreement about the distribution of those resources." He paused for nods and murmurs of agreement.
"Let us begin with the Ved Region," he said. The screen changed to a map of the region.


Karamovo frowned. "Gabriela, wasn't the map supposed to have roads on it?" His assistant shrugged. "Hm. Well, that's okay. First, you'll notice that this is the only region that is split between the administrative zones. This is because the region presents a significant governance problem that can't be overcome by just one alone. As the center of the rebellion, it not only requires significant policing, but also is littered with the discarded mines and munitions of the nationalist cowards."

Dzhavid spoke up. "You'll notice that most of the major cities are on the Izhitska Ednota side, while the more rural areas are under Yachese control. This was done to make use of the communists' labor connections and my own military's mobility advantages." At the phrase 'my own military', Hatsek's face involuntarily twitched into a scowl before quickly returning to its normal, more placid expression. "Ved's most defining feature is its extensive forests, which can be found anywhere there isn't cultivation, and which have been littered with landmines since 2018. Our most pressing food supply issues here are in Fara and Hrada, which each each have about 300000 inhabitants each."

The slide changed to a different region of Izhitsa.


"This is Kher," said Karamovo. "The land is fairly hilly before it joins the Shtan plateau. The area south of Kherhorod has always lived on food imports from Kherhorod. That reliance put about 3 million people at risk of starvation in mining towns across the mountainside once food prices started rising. With our rationing, we've been able to reduce that to about 700000."

Karamovo signaled for his assistant to change the slide.


"This is Dzelo," said Dzhavid, taking a sip of water. "In a way, Dzelo is the reason you're all here today, because it was Izhitsa's traditional breadbasket. The nationalists decided, during their retreat, to burn and loot the countryside while riddling the area with landmines. As a result of this, the area is in almost complete ruin."
Karamovo coughed into his fist. "Not to mention a certain accident caused by someone's military in Trkh."
Ondrevich tapped him on the shoulder. "Chairman, perhaps now is not the time—"
A fire lit in Dzhavid's eyes. "Chairman, there is no proof that the fire was caused by our airstri—"
"No proof?" said Karamovo. "None but the eyes of dozens of young partisans who—"
"Gentlemen, please." Hatsek stood up and whispered something into their ears. The flush left the Chairman's face and the fire evaporated from the High Lord's eyes as they continued their presentation. "As I was saying," said Dzhavid, "Dzelo represents our strongest challenge. About five million Dzels survive on government benefits alone. In addition, the mines need to be cleared before the area can be cultivated and we can turn Izhitsa into a self-sustaining country again."

Karamovo's assistant moved on to the next slide.


"This is Shta," said Karamovo. "The first thing you'll notice is that there's quite a lot of it. However, only around 7 million people live there, mostly in self-sufficient mining communities. Part of our effort in Izhitska Ednota has been to settle people in more such communities across the area to relieve pressure on our food system. The land is mostly mountainous, but we've had a lot of success with small terrace farms and herding across the region. A few of the towns there, mainly Khorska Pevnot and Dozortse, relied mainly on tourism and food imports. However, they are well-covered by our rationing program."

Dzhavid cleared his throat as the slide changed again.


"This is Yach," he said. "Don't let your eyes deceive you. It's very much as large as it seems." There was an awkward pause as he waited for a chuckle which never came. "Anyway, while we have about 17 million citizens, we're generally able to keep them fed reasonably well. Our main concern is the refugee camps that have grown around our cities, primarily displaced people from Dzelo. Our current estimates show about 2 million people living in camps from Tilhuitnah to Assif Ushaa, with poor sanitation, low access to food, and high rate of disease. We've been trying to help them as best we can, but there just isn't enough to go around at the moment."

Ondrevich cleared his throat. "Before we continue, are there any questions on the state of Izhitsa for the Chairman or the High Lord?"

"That's... That's quite an excellent idea. I will have to consult His Majesty, but I'm sure we can find a way to use it. Consider it agreed."
Dobroslav was beginning to lose his misgivings about the Tamorans. They might be ruled by their religion, but they're generous to their friends.
"When I return to Izhitsa, I'll contact some specialists in the party. Farmers, smugglers, you know the type. Our mutual friend should be able to carry our communications back and forth while we work out the exact details of the plan."

Dobroslav hadn't planned to have to develop a stealth food aid plan out of thin air, but all he had to do was follow Izhistan nature.
"Oh, no, I take no offense. I, for one, have little doubt that there will be some official resistance, especially considering the embargo. But, I don't think it will be a problem. Let me explain my thinking. We will need to bypass the border guards, so we have two ways to get the food in. One way is to ship it through the mountains which separate Abydos and Shta. This is not an easy journey, but the area near the border has many of our supporters and is difficult for the police to control. Our other option is to smuggle it in through a Yachese port. Izhitsa has no effective navy, which means the only resistance you'll have is from border guards. The communists, from what I gather, are still too dedicated to their cause to be bribed, but a few dozen dinars should be enough for a Yachese officer to move on without questions. This is probably the easier option, but the provisional government could find out what was happening and put a stop to it.

"Now, as for securing and distributing the food, one of the advantages of our group is that much of our support comes from former Izhitsan noble families. That is, people with connections. It will be a simple task to secure our food in the Izhitsan countryside, especially when we can buy local support with food and foreign currency. The only dangerous part is distribution. It will be difficult for the provisional government to arrest people who are giving out food, so the trick is to avoid the authorities when arriving at cities. Our agents could arrive in a city in the morning, when people are just leaving for work, and so keep a steady crowd of people around them until they run out of food. Then, with public support behind them, our agents leave town with their trucks empty and the police unable to publicly arrest them."