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31

International News Networks / Yachese Referendum Results Officially Certified

« on: November 05, 2021, 03:57:45 AM »

Yachese Referendum Results Officially Certified
Kenna Sladek
26 October 2021

Despite a recount and numerous threats against election officials, the results of the referendum on the constitution have been officially certified by the Yachese Election Commission. They said that incidents of attempted election interference were few and far between, and involved voters on both sides of the issue in roughly equal measure. In one dramatic case, a Dzel man used fake IDs to vote for the constitution “over a dozen times” in Western Ved. However, the level of overall detected interference was low, and certainly not enough to overturn the results of the referendum in any constituent nation of Izhitsa. The final results were as follows:

	Yach	Ved	Dzelo	Kher	Shta
For	50.1%	49.5%	65.2%	76.3%	82.3%
Against	48.9%	50.3%	32.0%	22.5%	16.2%
Invalid/Blank	1.2%	0.8%	2.8%	1.2%	1.5%

There were few surprises in the final results, which matched closely with preliminary pre-recount results.
Because the vote narrowly passed in Yach and three other constituent nations, by the Yachese referendum, the constitution has passed. For G’ua Yach, which took an anti-constitution stance during the referendum, their narrow loss was a blow to a party which was just beginning to see its first chance at dominating the Yachese political landscape. However, Bamu Arshad, G’ua Yach leader, vowed to keep fighting for Yachese independence, saying, “Our stance has been clear since the beginning of the Federal Assembly. We will not let Yachese people bow down to any Izhitsan, not as a so-called ‘Autonomous Republic’, or anything. We will fight this thing as long as we have breath in our bodies.” Arshad noted that the margin of victory for the referendum in Yach was much smaller than the number of invalid votes, and announced, “We have already begun examining our options for any way to perform our own audit of this election or to have the voter information released for public examination. For an election of this importance, we have to be sure.”
The conduct of the election raises doubts about the validity of its results. In particular, because the vote was only conducted in Western Izhitsa, Izhitsans from Kher, Shta, and Eastern Ved were likely not well-represented in the vote, a fact that Izhitska Ednota was quick to pounce on. “The bourgeois rulers in Yach would have you believe that the few people able to drive from the countryside all the way to Lzmdint or Trkh are representative of Shtans and Khers,” said a party spokesman in response to the announcement. “The Izhitsan people are not so naive. Our referendum is the only one being conducted through all of Izhitsa, and is the only one whose results will truly reflect the people’s will.”
Despite the response from the east, the Federal Assembly is moving forward with plans to appoint judges and auditors by the end of November, who will then oversee subsequent Izhitsan elections. “It’s an exciting time for all of us,” said Vladen Korzhef, the president of the Federal Assembly. “This is our chance to make a real better future for our children.” When questioned about the refusal of Izhitska Ednota to acknowledge the results, he played off any potential threat, saying, “Izhitska Ednota is just a political party. When push comes to shove, what could they do against the will of their people?” When questioned on the issue, Korzhef denied that the Federal Assembly was making contingency plans in case the Izhitska Ednota vote went poorly, and said that they were confident that the party would eventually be forced to accept the results. “Izhitska Ednota is just a political party,” he said. “When push comes to shove, what could they do against the will of their people?”

32

International News Networks / Yachese Referendum Campaigners Arrested by Izhitska Ednota

« on: October 26, 2021, 12:30:34 AM »

Yachese Referendum Campaigners Arrested by Izhitska Ednota
Kenna Sladek
24 October 2021

Skrshin, a sleepy town just across Yach’s southern border, is known mainly as a place for truckers and tourists making the trip between Lzmdint and Zapadni Pokhod to rest and have a bite to eat. However, in recent days, it has become the site for more political activity. Campaigners from Yach, eager to ensure that the referendum succeeds, have been taking advantage of the hublike status of the town to promote the new constitution, in direct violation of rules set for the vote being held by Izhitska Ednota.
Today, party officials put a stop to it, arresting 24 individuals associated with the campaign. “It’s unfortunate that we had to go so far to safeguard our election,” said Kamil Petrovich, the officer responsible for the arrest, “but the law is the law.” Petrovich went on to say that the detainees would be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law, indicating that they may be held in Izhitska Ednota prisons until the new year.
While the law is purportedly intended to prevent interference with the referendum, some observers have indicated concern that it is intended to tilt the result in favor of Izhitska Ednota’s preferred outcome, a negative result. According to Kinsa Edris, a political scientist who works for the University of Tilhuitnah, “This falls right into the party’s pattern of anti-democratic behavior. Campaigning is an essential part of democratic politics, and by banning it within their territories, they’re able to control the narrative about the constitution.”
At least one of the campaigners, Guran Navaz, is reported to be a local Shaab Yach official, a fact that hasn’t been lost on Izhitska Ednota. “It’s such a shame that our neighbours to the north, not content with forcing the constitution through to the referendum without our input,” said Petrovich, “has now resorted to sending their people over here to break our laws.” Shaab Yach has acknowledged that Navaz as one of their officials, but denied any official involvement.
Yachese Parliament has issued a memorandum condemning the arrests, and demanding that their citizens be returned to Yach to be tried by their peers. The request is unlikely to be met, considering that laws issued by Izhitska Ednota hold no force in the Yachese administrative zone.
Yachese Parliament has also issued a warning to Yachese, Izhitsans, and foreigners in Izhitsa to avoid travel through Eastern Izhitsa. “Neither Yach nor the Federal Assembly can guarantee the safety or freedom of individuals travelling through territories controlled by Izhitska Ednota,” said a parliamentary spokesman. “We highly recommend avoiding all unnecessary travel, including commercial travel in those areas, and encourage all Yachese citizens to return leave as soon as possible.”
Whatever hopes Federal Assembly members may have had that Izhitska Ednota would hold a fair referendum seem to have been dashed. While the Assembly did not respond to requests for comment, insiders have reported rumours that prominent lawmakers are already planning contingency measures in case—or perhaps more correctly, when—the vote fails.
Kinsa Edris, certainly, is pessimistic about whether the results of their referendum could be trusted. As she says, “Izhitska Ednota has been openly advocating against the constitution since it was passed to the people by the Federal Assembly. It controls both the election and their people’s ration cards. Even without overt political influence, they are hoping that their people will vote in the party’s interests. We cannot expect a democratic result from this election.”

33

Sporting Hub / Re: MFA World Cups 2021 OOC

« on: October 25, 2021, 10:50:09 PM »

Sign up a united Izhitsan team for both events.

34

International News Networks / Yachese Referendum Ballots From Yach, Ved To Be Recounted

« on: October 20, 2021, 05:58:11 AM »

Yachese Referendum Ballots From Yach, Ved To Be Recounted
Aydril Adel
19 October 2021

Vladen Korzhef, the president of the Federal Assembly, announced today that the referendum votes in Yach and Ved were too close to call under Yachese law, and would therefore be recounted, a process which could take another week. In a press conference at his Trkh home, he said, “While the results from Dzelo, Shta, and Kher are all strongly in favor, the results in Ved and Yach are both within a margin of 0.2%, which means that under the rules of the election, they have to be recounted.” The preliminary results show the pro-constitution vote behind in Ved by 6520 votes and ahead in Yach by 8122.
The Yachese results are particularly important to the election results, because the constitution as presently written requires Yachese approval to go into force. This clause was written into the constitution so that Yachese voters would have the chance to decide on the status of Yach within an Izhitsan federation.
While the referendum results are still in question, Federal Assembly members are already beginning to draw up lists of potential Auditors and Judges to be approved before formal federal elections take place. Leaders from the political parties in the Federal Assembly, other than G’ua Yach and Izhitska Ednota, who have taken formal stances against the new constitution, have been reported interviewing potential nominees and negotiating with other parties about potential joint lists. In particular, Antek Dzhavid is reportedly in talks with Vladen Korzhef to draw up a joint Shaab Yach-Liberal Party list to bring before the Assembly.
None of the political parties contacted responded to questions about these negotiations, but insider sources indicate that party leaders are confident that the referendum will turn out a pro-constitution result. “There has been a strong effort on the part of most of the parties to make sure that pro-constitution voters turn out, especially those from Shta and Kher,” said one member of Shaab Yach. “Failure was not an option.” The same insiders dismissed the chance of the Izhitska Ednota referendum leading to an anti-constitution result. “Even if they rig the vote against us,” said one Conservative Party member, “none of their people would believe them. There’s no reason we wouldn’t be able to form a government by December.”
Despite this, strong criticism has been aimed at Izhitska Ednota’s conduct in organising the election. By banning campaigning and requiring voter registration within a small window, the party has limited its voter pool considerably, in a way that many election experts have characterised as an attempt to skew the result in their favor. One such expert, Ladislav Vladich, who monitored the Yachese referendum, expressed such worries. “There has been a campaign,” he said, “from day one, to distort the result of this referendum. First they’ve dismissed the legitimacy of the Federal Assembly vote. Now they’re trying to make voting prohibitively difficult for most people. I fear that the next step will be denying the result altogether.”

35

International News Networks / Re: Izhitsan News Networks

« on: October 17, 2021, 12:37:10 AM »

Izhitska Ednota to Hold Referendum on Constitution
Svatopluk Yaroshovo
16 October 2021

In an announcement this morning, Matvey Karamovo, the current chairman of the party, confirmed at a press conference that the party would hold its own referendum on the constitution on October 30th. The move to hold an independent referendum came about due to failed negotiations with the Yachese over the conduct of the election. The decision, said the chairman, was not motivated by the decision of the Yachese to allow Izhitsans outside of their administrative zone to vote on the referendum. “In fact,” said Karamovo, “we encourage all Izhitsans, no matter their affiliation, to participate in our referendum in order to show the world what the real voting results are.”
Potential voters are required to register to vote beforehand at their local party office. Similar to the Yachese referendum, they will need a form of ID, and will register to vote within one of the five regions of Izhitsa. Because many Izhitsans were displaced during the war, the party is allowed party officials to exercise a level of discretion when choosing how to register potential voters. For example, said Karamovo, “Someone who says they are from Dzelo but can only provide documentation from Yach should not be denied the right to vote with their people. Someone who can’t provide any ID at all should be given the chance to acquire a party ID. Unlike the Yachese, we can provide everyone the chance to vote without introducing the chance for fraud.” Registrations are being entered into a nationwide database so that voters will be able to vote at any polling station, regardless of where they registered.
Some journalists attending the conference questioned Karamovo on the 15-day window for voter registration, suggesting that it could prevent many potential voters from being able to turn out. In response, Karamovo said, “This is a unique circumstance. The Federal Assembly, in deliberately forcing the constitution vote before it was ready, believed we would not be swift enough to stop them. Well, I say different. We cannot be stopped by mere political intrigues, and we have done everything we can to ensure that through the superiority of our system, we will be able to perform this election without issue.”
Campaigning, either for or against the referendum, has been banned, punishable by a small fine for first infractions leading up to several months of imprisonment for further infractions. When questioned about this, the chairman said that formal campaigning had the potential to spread lies and allow money to taint the election. “It is enough to show the constitution to the people and ask them their opinion. The debate has long ended; it is now time for Izhitsa to decide without constant nagging of politicians and partisans.”
Reactions to the news among party leaders was mixed. Some welcomed the change, particularly those from the party’s right wing. Anton Me’chinovo, a delegate from the Kherhorod Soviet, said, “It’s high time we got through this chapter of our story. The last couple months have all been about fighting the constitution, when we should have been asking, ‘what’s next?’” However, many prominent members of the party made their opposition to the declaration clear, particularly in their remarks following the confirmation of the resolution of the referendum in the First Committee. Kve’ta Mlynova, Chairwoman of the Tureno Soviet and former editor of the Worker’s Voice, said, “This is a disaster for our people. We’re bending to the will of Liberal politicians, letting them stomp all over not just our unalienable rights as workers, but even the rights we had as delegates in their Federal Assembly, and for what? This isn’t democracy, it’s cowardice.”
Regardless of the reactions from either side, enthusiasm for the election has been high. Just hours after the announcement was made, the streets in front of Kherhorod’s party offices were already packed with citizens, ready to register for the vote to make their voices heard.

36

International News Networks / Re: Izhitsan News Networks

« on: October 12, 2021, 05:46:40 AM »

Election Committees Begin Counting Referendum Ballots
Uzna Ozerova
11 October 2021

Election committee members count votes at a Trkh community center.

As voting drew to a close this evening, election committees organized by the Yach Governate under the auspices of the Federal Assembly began counting the votes that would determine the fate of the new constitution. Initial results show a slight edge for the anti-Constitution camp, but officials caution that the election is likely to be very close and more than 95% of the votes are yet to be counted.
Exit polls from Yach and Ved remain in the margin of error, but polls from Dzelo indicate strong support for the new constitution, mirroring their representatives in the Federal Assembly, who were the most strongly in favor of advancing the legislation to the referendum. Polls of residents of Shta and Kher were the strongest in favor of the new constitution. According to Ladislav Vladich, an election expert who monitored the polls, this is likely due to a difference in motivation. “Only those really strongly in favor of the new constitution, who didn’t care about any potential repercussions from the communist government or even their family and friends, would have come all the way from Kherhorod or Dozortse just to cast one vote,” he said. “I understand the principle in inviting those people to come and vote, but I worry about the unintended consequences of this decision, particularly for these people who live under a government that’s not explicitly against the vote, but is vocally campaigning against the constitution.” Despite assurances by Izhitska Ednota that they would hold their own referendum, plans for that vote have not yet materialised.
The ballot counters are under the vigilant watch of both poll watchers and Yachese intelligence, who are on the lookout for both election mishaps and violent political actors. According to an internal source, a large number of polling stations, particularly in Tilhuitnah and Trkh, have received letters from anonymous senders threatening attacks ranging from mass shootings and bombings to chemical releases if the vote counting continues. Several of the letters also contain Izhitsan nationalist rhetoric, including claims that the new constitution is a Yachese attempt to subvert the Izhitsan people. When contacted about the threats, various Yachese intelligence officials downplayed the potential for violence, emphasising that the poll counters are being protected by military, police, and intelligence officials, and that any threat would be quickly neutralised. “This is our first free election since the end of a horrific civil war, so of course there will be some with strong opinions about it,” said Masar Hadi, an official overseeing the protection of Tilhuitnah ballot counters. “But rarely do people act on them, and even more rarely do they get through the kind of security net we have set up. No serious violence occurred during the voting; I doubt anyone would try something during the count.”
The referendum results are expected to be certified within 10 days.

37

Convention Centre / Re: First Annual Aperture World's Fair

« on: October 12, 2021, 04:56:38 AM »

Name of Company/Representing Entity: Izhitsan Gypsum
Nation of Origin: Izhitsa
Stall Functions and Sizes Requested (May request up to 5 stalls): Medium Technology
Presentation Length: 20 minutes
Short Description of all stalls being hosted:

Stall will include a scale model of the proposed Tugdut rocket, the first rocket being developed for Izhitsan Gypsum's space program:

The bulk of the presentation will be on the democratisation of Mundus and the democratisation of space as parallel trends, emphasising the future of poorer nations as spacefaring entities and access to space for common people.

Name of Company/Representing Entity: Lzmdint Lkusha
Nation of Origin: Izhitsa
Stall Functions and Sizes Requested (May request up to 5 stalls): Medium Food/Drink
Presentation Length: 15 minutes
Short Description of all stalls being hosted: Lzmdint Lkusha is a chain of Yachese bakeries, or Lkusha, that has stores all over Izhitsa and is now looking to expand outside the country. The presentation will focus on how the chain stayed open during the civil war, even in areas under nationalist control, and the use of cuisine as cultural ambassador.

38

Press Offices / Re: Press Office of Izhitsa

« on: October 05, 2021, 05:46:32 AM »

Regarding Foreign Election Observers in the Upcoming Izhitsan Constitutional Referendum

Noting the Fleuroix offer of election observers and applauding the spirit in which this offer was made, the Izhitsan Federal Assembly and Parliament of Yach formally invite election observers from all democratic nations to monitor the upcoming referendum. This offer includes any nation with strong democratic norms where the common people have the ability to choose their leaders and govern themselves. Special consideration may be given to those from nondemocratic countries who have nevertheless fought greatly for democratic rule at home or abroad. Those who wish to participate may apply for a visa through their government or directly through the Yachese Election Commission.
We hope to demonstrate to the world that Izhitsa has entered a new era of stability and popular rule.

Signed,
Antek Dzhavid, High Lord of Yach
Vladen Korzhef, President of the Federal Assembly of Izhitsa

39

Diplomacy and Events / Re: A bridge for democracy (Izhitsa and Fleur)

« on: October 04, 2021, 10:57:00 PM »

"There is the matter of," Dzhavid struggled for the right word, "defense. There is some concern in Parliament that if talks with the communists go awry, we could have serious trouble keeping western Izhitsa under democratic control. Recruitment isn't a terrible concern, but we frankly don't have the materiel. We need more---and better---anti-tank and anti-air weapons, at least And that's just to defend. If we wanted to pursue a fight against the communists... but I get ahead of ourselves. The point is, some material cooperation would be greatly appreciated. Even better if we could acquire Fleuroix designs and replace some of the older equipment ourselves.
"This is all something that we can solve ourselves, but it would take a lot of political will---a real crisis---to get started. And I'm not sure if we have time to wait for one. If there's will in Fleur, this is another thing we could coordinate through your consulate."

40

International News Networks / Yach To Hold Constitutional Referendum October 9-11

« on: September 25, 2021, 10:11:10 PM »

Yach To Hold Constitutional Referendum October 9-11, General Elections to Follow
Aydril Adel
25 September 2021

Yachese Parliament announced today a decision to conduct a referendum on the new Izhitsan constitution over the weekend of October 9 to 11. However, the eastern regions of Izhitsa, under the control of Izhitska Ednota, will not be participating in this round of voting. The referendum will be conducted under standard Yachese election procedures. Antek Dzhavid, High Lord of Yach, says this comes after weeks of failed negotiations with the party on the practice and conduct of the referendum. “Izhitska Ednota continues to demand unreasonable concessions, such as reducing the voting period to a single day, or requiring previous registration to vote. Such measures are unprecedented in Izhitsan history, and could potentially disenfranchise wide swaths of people.” Instead, he says, Yach has chosen to unilaterally conduct the referendum on their own, under the auspices of the Federal Assembly, the de jure provisional government. Vladen Korzhef, president of the Federal Assembly, said of the decision, “It’s simply something that has to be done. The only way to force Izhitska Ednota to conduct a free and fair election is to show Izhitsans that it can be done—is being done, in their own country.”
Izhitsans and Yachese can vote by going to a polling station at their nearest public school, city hall, or police station with valid photo ID, or by filing an affidavit witnessed by another person who has known them for over two years and can provide their own documents. Yach is also allowing those currently living in territories controlled by Izhitska Ednota to vote in Yach-controlled territory by displaying their Izhitska Ednota ration card. These votes will be counted for their place of residence, which is displayed on their card. According to Korzhef, “This is necessary in order to force those who would keep us in chains from cutting out our voices completely. The people of Kher and Shta will be given the chance to vote, no matter what.”
Izhitska Ednota, when reached for comment, claimed that Yachese electoral procedures have the potential to introduce widespread fraud. “The Yachese know that ID can be easily faked, and they also know that hostile agents could exploit long voting periods to interfere with results,” said Matvey Karamovo in a press conference. “Their referendum is designed to be rigged. They claim to be acting in favor of democracy, but their attempts to confuse voters in Eastern Izhitsa and their refusal to grant concessions to Izhitsa’s workers clearly show otherwise.” When asked when Izhitska Ednota would be holding their own referendum, he said, “Now that the Yachese have shown their true colors, I don’t think it will be long before we organise a real referendum.”
Regardless of the result of the referendum, Yach will hold a general election in their own territory three weeks later, on the weekend of October 30 to November 1. The elections had been delayed in June 2020 and again in June 2021 due to fears of nationalist violence, which Yachese officials say, nearly two years after the last major nationalist army surrendered to Izhitska Ednota forces, are no longer a concern. Dzhavid expressed hopes that this next election would be a national one. “Regardless of who wins that election,” he said, “it’s time to have a real government again. I have loved serving the people of this country, but I also have made no secret of my support for this constitution, and it is my hope that October 30th will be remembered as the first election of the Izhitsan Republic.”

41

Diplomacy and Events / Re: A bridge for democracy (Izhitsa and Fleur)

« on: September 25, 2021, 09:14:07 PM »

"An excellent proposal," said Dzhavid. "Of course, I recognise the dangers of tying ourselves too closely to any nation, even an ally, but if there's anything that we learn from history, it's that we don't achieve great things by avoiding risk. In any case, better to be indebted to a friend than locked in battle with an enemy."

42

International News Networks / Opinion: Pharaoh Must Keep Momentum to Bring Real Change

« on: August 24, 2021, 12:57:01 AM »

Opinion: Pharaoh Must Keep Momentum to Bring Real Change
Kve’ta Mlynova
23 August 2021

There are many reasons to doubt the sincerity of Pharaoh Akasha Di-‘nh-mi-Re in her apparent efforts to rid her nation of indentured servitude and bring Clysperis, kicking and screaming, into the 21st Century. Her moves to ban the practice of indentured servitude and formally join the Uppsala Convention come just after her open invitation to sovereigns around the world to tour her newly rebuilt city of Setri. Akasha is certainly anxious to attract investment and redefine the international perception of her country, which has been marred in the past by the Clysperi Civil War.
Certainly, statements from Daito and Fleur seem to indicate that at least a few foreign observers find little faith in Akasha’s intentions. In the latter example, this may be a case of sour grapes, as they are known to have supported the rebels in the civil war and have frequently clashed with the Pharaoh. Fleur is also one of the main state proponents of allegations of war crimes committed against the rebels by Akasha-allied forces.
However, the Pharaoh seems to have been ingenuous in her pronouncement. The measure was formally approved by the Assembly of Nomes, and reports of arrests of illegal slaveholders have shown up in independent media. These measures to both legitimise and enforce her ruling seem to show a monarch anxious to portray herself as a People’s Pharaoh.
Despite this, while she tries to make herself appear progressive to the rulers of the Occident, she continues her familiar pattern of pandering to the real owners of her nation. Not the Achkaerinese, mind you, who hold mere military power, but the bourgeoisie. In May, she announced a law requiring 50% worker ownership for Clysperi businesses. Despite her acknowledgement that worker cooperatives create growth just as well as bourgeoisie-owned businesses, she carefully avoided granting workers a controlling interest in their own production. Likewise, in her latest pronouncement, instead of acknowledging that so-called “indentured servitude” has always been a crime against humanity, she gave the owning classes a reward for their exploitation: signed checks for the money that they would have extracted from their slaves.
And herein lies the problem: Akasha approaches real change, but does not pursue it. Despite the obvious injustice done to Clysperis’s indentured workers, it is their oppressors who gain reparations. No support is offered to the flood of new workers re-entering the wage economy, who now not only must overcome the stigma of their recent indentured status, but also compete with each other for the jobs they just left. With such intense competition brought about so suddenly, there is no reason for their former owners to pay them more than starvation wages and bring them back into quasi-slavery, an effect which could ripple out to other Clysperi workers as well.
Now, this is not to say that these efforts haven’t had a good effect for workers. Any amount of positive change is still a positive change. But in order to bring about widespread, real change in the lot of her poorest, Akasha must keep pushing for her people, rather than granting concessions to their owners.

Kve’ta Mlynova is the Chairwoman of the Tureno Soviet and former editor of the Worker’s Voice.

43

Diplomacy and Events / Re: A bridge for democracy (Izhitsa and Fleur)

« on: August 23, 2021, 11:20:37 PM »

"Then I'll arrange it," said Dzhavid, making a mental note to arrange a meeting with Radim z Modry when he got back to Tilhuinah. "Now, on to this matter of reconstruction. As you may recall from our last meeting, Yach is currently housing millions of refugees, particularly from Dzelo, where the worst of the civil war took place. Our eventual goal is to help these people return to their homes, but to do so, we need to fix our roads, rebuild power stations, repair sanitation and water systems, and when that is over, ensure that they have homes to return to. The food aid will help them stay alive, and the foreign demining operations are going to help immeasurably, but to achieve this, we need investment. Funding for construction companies, small loans for new businesses, that sort of thing. The problem is that we don't have the political capital to print enough new currency to fund projects on this scale without causing the public to lose faith in their money. A few loans would go a long way." He frowned. "Normally I wouldn't advocate for paying Yachese and Izhitsan people in foreign currency. But they take it, and at very good rates too. And it's a better problem to have than hyperinflation."

44

Diplomacy and Events / Re: A bridge for democracy (Izhitsa and Fleur)

« on: August 23, 2021, 06:59:45 AM »

Dzhavid considered. "His ideals? Murky, as with any of these nobles. If I had to put him down for anything, though, I would say he mostly closely falls into the Liberal camp. Small, democratic government, uninhibited trade, deregulation, that sort of thing. An ideology built for those who already have economic power, but a useful one for us. His factories were hit hard in the war, especially near the end. I'm sure that with a sizable loan in Fleuroix currency, with favorable terms, he'd, ah, find more time to participate in the political process rather than work on rebuilding his factories. The exact details would have to be worked out, but once he saw the benefits of working with us, he would come around."

45

Vignettes / Loose Threads

« on: August 17, 2021, 04:30:45 AM »

16 August 2021 --- 2:39 AM --- Zapadni Pokhod, Shta
The local commissars turned off the streetlights after 11 every night. They said it was an energy-saving measure, to ensure that there was always fuel left in emergencies. And after all, it’s not as if anyone would be out so late at night anyway. Not when it was so dark.
Aflis Alanovich leaned on the outside wall of a precinct station, lighter in one hand, bottle in the other. He looked up at the stars, mouthed a silent prayer, tensed his fingers, and…
What was that? Not shouting, exactly. Just the sound of people, around the corner, knowing they won’t be heard. Aflis ducked into an alleyway. Three figures in the dark approached from down the road.
"See? No one's out." That was the tall one speaking. "We could just waltz right in and torch it."
"We could," said one of the others, idly swinging a stick, "or we could have a bit of fun first."
"Shut it, you two." That third one spoke with an accent Aflis didn't recognize. "Do you want the whole neighborhood to hear you?" Certainly not Yachese or Izhitsan. At least, not entirely.
The voices drew closer and Aflis realised his alley had no exit. They were going to pass right by him. He stuck the lighter into his pocket, tiptoed behind a dumpster and waited.
"Can you really believe we're finally seeing more action after all this time?"
"Yeah, to be honest I thought they'd just forgotten about us."
"Me too. But hey, here we are. And I'm told there's more work coming our way."
"I said shut it!"
They were just about to pass the alley now. If Aflis just took a little peek, maybe he could see what they looked like...
Damn! "Oh, hello, little man," said the tall one. The trio was clad all in black, balaclavas masking their faces. Aflis's heart pounded as they began to surround him. "Well now, someone's trying to spy on us. Yonash, what happens to people who spy?"
The one with the stick, which up close began to look much more like a sledgehammer, approached with a gleam in his eye. He raised it up. Aflis tensed…
And kicked him in the crotch. The yelp of pain echoed through the street as Aflis ran, swinging his bottle wildly and bashing the tall one in the stomach. As he rounded the corner, he heard the third one groan. "Damn it, Yonash, the whole city probably heard that bloody scream of yours. Just torch the place and get the hell out of here. You're lucky no one saw your face."
Aflis didn't stop running until he got back to his apartment. It wasn't supposed to be like this. All he had to do was toss a bottle bomb into the precinct house when the officer on duty went to the bathroom. It was a simple job.
And not only had he failed, but someone else had done it for him.

16 August 2021 --- 7:48 AM --- The streets of Hrabohrada
Tadar Hamady was in town for a meeting with the Yachese delegation to the Federal Assembly. She only had a few minutes to chat before she would be expected elsewhere. "I don't understand why you wanted to meet today, Mr. Brazda.
Anton Brazda, walking beside, stirred the cream in his coffee. It had come out lumpy and sour-smelling, but he wasn't in a mood to complain. "I'll cut to the chase. Karamovo and Dzhavid are untouchable. Ever since the blackouts last July there's been no question of who holds the real control here, and they're not going away."
Brazda and Hamady had spent the last year gathering allies, leaking stories to the press, and doing everything in their power to convince the public that Karamovo and Dzhavid were dangerous men, hell-bent on centering power amongst themselves and too naive to use it properly. Yet despite everything they tried, nothing seemed to stick.
"I should have known after the blackouts last July," said Brazda. "There was just no turning back. Everyone seemed to think letting them do whatever they wanted was safer than letting anarchy rule."
Hamady kept walking in silence.
"Don't you understand, Mrs. Hamady? We've lost."
Hamady began to smile, and then she chuckled. Brazda looked at her quizzically, and she said, "You've lost."
Brazda spat out his coffee. "What?"
"You've lost. I'm doing fine. Yach has its autonomy, hell, it even has a path to independence, which should go well at the October elections. Oh," she chuckled, "those aren't announced yet. But they'll happen. And the new constitution will last us a while. Possibly long enough for a Yachese Prime Minister to find herself nominated for Minister of Trade."
Brazda stopped, mouth agape. "But you—what—"
"Goodness, Mr. Brazda," she said, turning, "you really are just as naive as you were 15 years ago. You seriously thought I would try to sabotage the country in order to take power? Well, I may have considered it, at the beginning. But as you say, after July last year it was just so hard. So, I figured, why not use my network to help the constitution along, score points for Shaab Yach—"
"You betrayed me!"
"Come now, seriously? I'd hardly call it a betrayal. I haven't even told Karamovo what you tried to do. And I won't, I give you my word. You'll have enough fires to put out trying to run as a democratic party."
"Why, I ought to—"
"Ought to what, Mr. Brazda, and do consider seriously, because any dirt you think you have on me reflects just as poorly on you, and I will make sure it reflects. I'm sorry you had to find out this way, but to be honest I thought you would have figured it out by now. Now," Hamady said, resuming her walk, "I've got a breakfast meeting to get to, but I hope you have a good day. Ar tufat!"
Brazda stood there, unable to process what had just happened. He stood there, watching Hamady walk away, then finally shouted, "Ar tufat to you too, you bastard!" and threw his coffee as hard as he could at a nearby newspaper rack. And then he saw the headline. Three assailants, one policeman critically injured? Has Karamovo seen this? He shoved several coins into the machine, grabbed a paper, and ran to the former king's palace.

16 August 2021 --- 11:10 AM --- A cabin outside Zapadni Pokhod, Shta
Dobroslav Pavlovich had spent the last year organizing a collection of decentralized cells to forward the good work. The day cells mostly did innocuous things like distribute smuggled food from Tamora and identify possible recruits. The night cells did the more dangerous work, such as posting propaganda and surveillance jobs, but nothing more threatening than that. So when Stana Dushanka, the leader of one of the largest night cells, said she wanted to think bigger, he had been sceptical. They weren't terrorists, he had said. But her logic made sense. After all, the key was to degrade confidence in the provisional government. They had to ensure that people knew that bickering bureaucrats and populist warlords couldn't save them. So, she had said, it's not a terror attack, it's a directed strike against the morale of the other side.
And now she was saying she wanted to… what?
"We need to stop the bombing campaign," she said. "It's too dangerous."
"Of course it's dangerous, it's not as if you're handing out carrots. Hell, that's what you told me, two weeks ago, when we planned the job. What's going on?"
"The bombing didn't go as planned."
"What do you mean," said Dobroslav. "Of course it did. I mean, look at this article in the Truth." He brought out a copy from a drawer in his desk. "Front page. They have no idea who did it. It happened right in front of the policeman on duty and they don't even have the right number of people! Hang on, you're not saying—"
"No, it's not that. It's just—look, it's hard to explain—"
"Just spit it out already!"
"That wasn't us, okay?"
There was an awful, uncomfortable silence. Finally Dobroslav said, "Explain."
Stana had debriefed Aflis that morning. She explained to Dobroslav everything he saw and heard that night.
Dobroslav was concerned. "So when they say they're looking for three culprits—"
"That's because there were three bombers. Three successful bombers. Three successful bombers who, by the way, saw my agent's face and might be able to identify him. At the very least, we need to get him and his family outside Zapadni Pokhod."
"Yes, absolutely."
"And we need to set up a team to try to identify these people."
"You're not serious?"
"What do you mean I'm not serious? These people are loose ends, sir! If they see more of our agents and put two and two together it could blow our operation apart!"
"And we're going to find them how, exactly? All we know, literally all we know, is that one of them is tall, one of them has an accent, and one of them screams when they're kicked in the balls. That doesn't exactly narrow down the suspect list, does it? Should I call up the police and say, 'Oh, I've got your man, you'll find he's got a sledgehammer and he's holding his crotch!'"
Stana sighed, and spoke in a low voice. "With all due respect, sir, I do know one way we can get more information."
"Yes?"
"We keep up the attacks."
"What? But you said—"
"I know what I said. I've changed my mind. Look, if these people are doing the same thing we are, trying to undermine faith in the government, then they're going to attack the same targets we are. And if we start burning down valuable targets, they might be more likely to keep up their own attacks because they'll have cover. More attacks means more chances to meet and gather information."
Dobroslav considered for a minute. "It'll be dangerous."
"As you say, sir. But as you said before, we're not handing out carrots anymore. If we want to get ahead, we need more information."
"Yes." Dobroslav sighed. "Yes, we do. But if we're doing this, I think we need to split your crew off from the regular night cell."
"My crew, sir?"
"Oh, yes, Stana. Your crew."

16 August 2021 --- 4:56 PM --- Tibor Tower, Kherhorod
Tadeush Marek packed up his things as he prepared to go home. It had been quite a long day. The office had received an anonymous tip the previous night that something big would happen in Zapadni Pokhod that morning, and, despite the doubts of his fellow writers, he actually went to check it out. And lo and behold! Mystery, politics, violence, all in one article! He’d had to dictate his article over the phone in order to get it out for the morning edition, but out it was, and he had a story to investigate for the rest of the week too.
For once, he had a story that even went up on the foreign edition. That made him proud.
“Mr. Marek, a word.” Ah. Mr. Otsel, the wet blanket with legs, had arrived.
“What do you need, Mr. Otsel?”
“I just wanted to congratulate you on how early you managed to get your story out today.” Mr. Otsel smiled mirthlessly.
“Yes, I received an anonymous tip. Lucky thing, that.”
“Yes, lucky. Just try to make sure that’s all it is, Mr. Marek.”
“I assure you, Mr. Otsel, I have no idea what you’re talking about.”
“Yes, I’m sure that’s true. But for argument’s sake, if I knew a young, eager reporter who received anonymous tips about arson attacks, I would probably tell them to do their civic duty and call up the Kontrazvedka. Like a good citizen. You know.”
“Yes, Mr. Otsel. I’ll keep that in mind.”
“I hope so, for your sake.”

46

International News Networks / Police Firebombing in Zapadni Pokhod Destroys Station, Injures One

« on: August 17, 2021, 04:14:56 AM »

Police Firebombing in Zapadni Pokhod Destroys Station, Injures One
Tadeush Marek
16 August 2021

Late last evening, during the city’s scheduled blackout, three assailants lit a petrol bomb at a precinct house in Stary Mlyn, a neighbourhood in the city’s south. The bombers, who were smashed in the door, despite the fact that it was unlocked, and threw a lit petrol bomb inside.
Gabriel Kamilovich, the officer manning the house for the night shift, was just coming back to the front desk from the restroom at the time of the explosion. He is now recovering from serious full-body burns and smoke inhalation in Pavlo Radimich Memorial Hospital. He identified the bombers as three men, dressed all in black and wearing balaclavas, one of whom carried a sledgehammer.
Local police are baffled as to the reasons for the attack. Ondrey Vladanovich, Zapadni Pokhod Chief of Police, said, “This frankly doesn’t seem like something anyone local would do. Not everyone around town likes having the police around, of course, so we get the odd graffiti and all that. But coordinated arson? I don’t think so.” When pressed about whether he had any potential leads, Vladanovich said, “Look, I don’t want to spread fear where there isn’t any danger, but I’ve called the Kontrazvedka[1]. There’s good reason to believe it’s an act of terrorism.”
While the Zapadni Pokhod Fire Department was able to prevent the fire from spreading, the precinct house, a historic building from 1825, collapsed soon after firefighters arrived on the scene. The fire was extinguished at about 3:30 AM.
Investigations into the attacks are still in early stages. Police are searching for any clues as to the identities of the unknown arsonists. If you have any information, please call their tip line at 575-556-793.

1.	The Izhitska Ednota Counterintelligence Service

47

International News Networks / Constitutional Interviews: Sekkura Mona

« on: August 07, 2021, 03:55:47 AM »

Constitutional Interviews: Sekkura Mona
Kenna Sladek
06 August 2021

As Izhitsa approaches a referendum on the new constitution, the Mbruk Inquirer is conducting a series of short interviews with the people involved in its creation. Today, we spoke with perhaps the most surprising participant in the affair: Sekkura Mona.

Kenna Sladek: I’m in Abakha with a radical, provocateur, and Yachese Parliamentarian. Love her or hate her, you can’t deny she’s made an impact. Sekkura Mona, welcome.

Sekkura Mona: Thank you, Mrs. Sladek.

KS: Now, I understand that as far as we know, you are the first anarchist in history to have participated in the creation of a constitution for a federal republic. How does that make you feel?

SM: Well, my colleagues in the Federal Assembly might quibble with your use of the word “participate”, but I’m proud that the working class had at least one real representative at the table.

KS: As an anarchist, how did you approach your efforts in the Assembly?

SM: Let’s be honest, it was clear from the start that the other delegates were never going to work with me. They only let me in because they had no choice. This meant, of course, that I could pretty much do or say whatever I wanted. They allotted time to each delegate for every debate, so I gave them a full education on anarchist governmental theory over the course of the year.

KS: Was your party happy with this? I mean, presumably, the other members of Platform might have expected you to actually try to win some policy goals.

SM: I’m not saying I didn’t do anything, Mrs. Sladek. Article VI, Section 6 only passed by one vote. One vote. These people would have written voting restrictions into our constitution if it hadn’t been for one person who refused to compromise. I think, overall, my constituents will be unhappy with what we got, but I think they also know what it’s like to live in a society that believes their ideas are unreasonable and unworkable.

KS: Moving on, I was surprised that you continued to be a member of Yachese Parliament while at the Federal Assembly. While this sort of thing is technically legal under Yachese law, it’s very rare and almost universally frowned upon. What was your thought process going into this? How did you balance your duties in both assemblies?

SM: To be honest, I definitely wouldn’t do this again. It’s exhausting, and virtually impossible to do properly. It’s a long commute from Tilhuitnah to Hrada, so I would usually only travel when there was a vote coming up. And then there was making sure I had copies of all the bills up for debate in both assemblies, and finding time to read them between sessions. It got so I had to pass off my regular work with the party to some of the other members so I could stop working 80-hour weeks. I don’t know who else you were thinking of who’d done this sort of thing before, but I bet they didn’t get anything done.

KS: Well, one of them was Imar Abid, the most quickly-recalled politician in Yachese history, so I would say that on balance you’ve done well, given the circumstances. In fact, our sources show you managed to participate in 95% of the votes in the Federal Assembly and 80% of the votes in Yachese Parliament during this time, which is better than a significant portion of parliamentarians in general.
Given your experience in the Federal Assembly and with balancing your political workload, do you think Izhitska Ednota has good cause to complain about their delegates not being able to attend the final vote on the constitution?

SM: Well, first of all, that’s a weird way to segue into this topic, but yes, to be honest, I do think they have good cause to complain. This was the only vote we had that was held in the same meeting in which it was approved. It wasn’t technically breaking any Assembly rules, but it was damn devious of Mr. Korzhef to call the vote like that. And I’m certain that he did it on purpose to make sure that it would pass. Now, do I disagree with what he did? That, I’m not so sure. There has never been a better time for a revolution in Izhitsa, with no unified leadership, no real constitution, and no real government. But frankly, I’m more scared of what would happen if we lost a revolution now than anything that could happen under the new constitution.

KS: I hope you don’t mind me asking this next question, then, as we’re asking it of everyone who didn’t sign the constitution: Why should we vote no when the referendum comes?

SM: If you’re going to vote no, do it for the same reason I did: Because we, the people, can get better than what they gave us. What they gave us is government designed to be dominated by bourgeois power funnels with the money to set up party apparatus and buy up journalists—no offense. We can show them that we want government by working people, made up of unions of small, local councils instead of centralised, disconnected government by a ruling class.
But don’t vote no if you just want to see Izhitsa burn under a new revolution. Revolution is what they have in Shta and Kher, and what’s changed for working people there? Nothing.

KS: Do you believe the constitution will be signed into law?

SM: Maybe. Maybe not. But a better question is what happens afterward. The territories of the state are explicitly defined in the constitution. What happens if, say, Kher, doesn’t want to join? That’s the question we should be asking if we want to know the true character of this new government.

48

International News Networks / Constitutional Interviews: Vladen Korzhef

« on: August 03, 2021, 03:58:06 AM »

Constitutional Interviews: Vladen Korzhef
Kenna Sladek
02 August 2021

As Izhitsa approaches a referendum on the new constitution, the Mbruk Inquirer is conducting a series of short interviews with the people involved in its creation. Fittingly, we have started with the man perhaps most responsible for its creation: Vladen Korzhef.

Kenna Sladek: I’m in Hrabohrada with a parliamentarian, scion of the Liberal Party, and some say, now the father of a reborn country. Vladen Korzhef, how are you doing today?

Vladen Korzhef: Well, I have to say that kind of praise is pretty hard to give an answer to. I’m just a public servant doing his duty to his country. And, oh, I’m doing fine. It’s another beautiful day to serve the people from our nation’s wonderful capital.

KS: Quite. Now, I understand you have a rather busy schedule as President of the Federal Assembly, so I won’t take up too much of your time. And of course, that’s where I would like to begin. Would you mind telling our readers a bit about what it was like to be in the room, trying to put a nation together with so many different kinds of people?

VK: Exhausting, that’s what! But that’s what makes this country great. We’ve always stuck together, even when all the odds have seemed against us. In the Federal Assembly, we had to balance everyone’s different viewpoints to create a fair system of government that protected our rights but left us our freedoms.

KS: I understand that many of the Federal Assembly’s members don’t feel that you effectively accomplished that goal.

VK: That’s true. Many of the delegates were not able to get their proposals approved in the final version of the constitution. For example, the primary demands of G’ua Yach were frankly impossible to implement, not in a united country. In any case, matters such as Yachese independence should be put up to a vote, not decided in a dark room. The principle should be self-determination, not paternalism.

KS: Couldn’t it be argued, then, that any provisions on the status of Yach in the constitution are inherently against the principle of self-determination?

VK: I don’t see it that way, since the constitution will have to be approved by Yachese voters before it can pass into Izhitsan law. If they reject it, then we can simply remove those provisions from the constitution.

KS: Now, drawing back to our earlier question, do you think Izhitska Ednota’s concerns have any base to them? Are workers adequately protected under this constitution?

VK: The members of Izhitska Ednota knows as well as anyone else that progress is slow and compromises have to be made. The nation may one day be ready for the kinds of rights they have been demanding, but for now it’s simply unworkable.

KS: Could you be more specific?

VK: Of course, you should really ask them that question. But as I understand it their main concern is that the constitution doesn’t guarantee things like housing, healthcare, water, food, things I agree all people should have, but are simply impossible to guarantee.

KS: Do you think there is any basis to their allegations that some of their delegates were deliberately excluded from the final vote?

VK: I’ve already commented on this, and those were my final words on the topic.

KS: Alright, moving on, many of our readers are curious about the four-branch governmental system set out in the constitution. Why create a separate Auditorial Branch?

VK: That’s something you should really ask Valdemar Strnef, the delegate from Solnitse. He was the mastermind of the idea. Basically, the premise boils down to this: The government must be responsible to somebody. The Presidency and the State Rada cannot be expected to act without partisan bias, and the Judicial Branch cannot conduct its own investigations. So what else can we do but create a separate branch of government to hold them accountable? No other country has a fully independent Oversight Office, but we hope to pioneer this system of government for all to see.

KS: Do you think there’s danger in trying a new form of government that’s never been implemented before?

VK: It’s not as if we invented it for no reason. The theory is sound, and there’s no reason it should be any worse than partisan or monarch-run government auditing committees.

KS: I understand that several sections of the constitution are copied, verbatim, from the constitutions of other countries, including Arashkai, Tytor, and Achkaerin. Why is that?

VK: Ah, first the new, and then the old, I see. Many of our delegates were inspired by other countries, and that inspiration was sometimes very strong indeed. Despite this, the principles are sound, so why change them?

KS: Some readers have raised concerns that none of these countries are especially democratic. Wouldn’t a country more like Fleur be a better example for an aspiring democracy?

VK: Fleur is a very different country from Izhitsa, with a different culture. Our democracy doesn’t rely on monarchs like Arashkai or Tytor, but doesn’t turn our nation into a nation of politicians, either. It also creates a much stronger structure for government, more likely to weather political climates adverse to the existence of democracy, which as we all know is the most important thing a constitution could have.

KS: This question is one we’re asking everyone who signed the new constitution: Why should we vote yes when the referendum comes?

VK: It’s time to move on from military government. Our nation has stuck at a standstill since 2013, and this is our best hope to move forward, united.

KS: Now, this final question we’re asking all of our interviewees: Do you believe that the constitution will be signed into law?

VK: Frankly, I don’t know. I believe the Izhitsan people want this, and I believe that under a free and fair vote it would pass handily, even in Yach. But we’re frankly powerless to hold elections without the consent and oversight of military governors. Now, I’m not saying that Mr. Dzhavid and Mr. Karamovo haven’t been… doing their best, but they have adverse incentives. I just don’t know.

49

International News Networks / Izhitsan Constitution Passes Federal Assembly, Referenda to Follow

« on: July 26, 2021, 03:47:16 AM »

Izhitsan Constitution Passes Federal Assembly, Referenda to Follow
Aydril Adel
26 July 2021

Following months of secretive work, the Federal Assembly has now finished drafting and has passed an Izhitsan Constitution suitable for legislative work. The constitution has been printed and disseminated to newspapers, radio networks, and city centers across Izhitsa as the country awaits the referenda that will determine if it will come into force.
According to the rules of the Federal Assembly, the document had to be approved by the majority of delegates present from each constituent nation of Izhitsa, something which proved extremely difficult to achieve. President of the Yachese delegation, Garmul Salek, told the Inquirer, “In the end, it was clear that G’ua Yach wasn’t going to accept anything short of Yachese independence, and were prepared to see the whole constitutional process fail in order to achieve it. We ended up having to peel off two Izhitska Ednota delegates to get a majority.”
The constitution, in its final form, met with broad opposition from Izhitska Ednota, who claim that it lacks sufficient protection for workers. “There are no guarantees of basic human rights in this document,” said Mariana Klechalova, a spokesperson for the party. “They expect that the right to organize and the right to free speech will keep the workers fed, housed, and secure. Well, let me tell you this. Izhitsa has had these rights enshrined in law for decades, and they sure as hell didn’t help us in 2013.”
Despite party opposition, many Izhitska Ednota members defected from the party line and supported the constitution in the end, citing a need for effective central government. These defections were critical in Kher and Shta, where IE delegates made up a majority of votes. Even with the defections, the vote only narrowly passed from these two delegations because the vote was held without several of their members present. Izhitska Ednota has accused the Federal Assembly of deliberately holding the final vote unexpectedly and without alerting the delegates not present, who were away for party meetings in their home constituencies. When questioned about this by the Inquirer, Vladen Korzhef, Liberal Party leader and president of the Federal Assembly, said, “It was their decision to be away from the action at what they knew would be the final moments of our work. When the assembly moved to hold the final vote, they weren’t there to object. There is no legitimacy in the claim that there was anything unfair or unexpected about our actions.”
The Federal Assembly aims to hold referenda on the new constitution by the end of September, following a campaign of education on the document. However, because legislative power was not effectively transferred to them as stipulated in the Second Constitution, the Assembly is dependent on the political will of Yach and Izhitska Ednota to hold referenda in the areas under their control. A more potentially sticky issue is that of Ved, where Izhitska Ednota and Yach have split the constituent nation in half. Commentators worry that disagreements on how the elections are held could lead to two differing results.

The full text of the new constitution can be read below:

Spoiler: show

50

International News Networks / Interview: Uzna Dzhalali Returns Triumphant From Jugland Ladies’ Tour

« on: July 20, 2021, 03:37:37 AM »

Interview: Uzna Dzhalali Returns Triumphant From Jugland Ladies’ Tour
Ondrey Leoshivich
19 July 2021

In an interview with Kherhorod Sports Hour host Ondrey Leoshivich, Uzna Dzhalali talked about the Jugland Ladies’ Tour and the future of her team, Ednotnost.

Ondrey Leoshivich: I’m Ondrey Leoshivich, welcome back to the Kherhorod Sports Hour. With me this morning is Uzna Dzhalali, Yachese cyclist, and if I’m not mistaken, you’ve just come back from Jugland with some exciting news!

Uzna Dzhalali: Oh, but I’m sure your listeners have already heard.

Don’t be so modest! We want to hear it straight from the horse’s mouth!

Alright, then, well, I’ve just come back from the Jugland Ladies’ Tour. And, as I’m sure you all know, I came back first.

And they’ve even given you a fancy new pink jersey for it, I see.

Well, it’s a bit visual for radio, but I figured I should at least try to look the part even if no one can see it.

And right you are, too. So, now that you’ve completed your second international competition, how do you feel?

Fantastic, Ondrey. We went into our first one, the Tour de Alba Karinya, fairly unprepared. Most people don’t know this, but on the day we arrived, we didn’t even know where the events were after the first one. And we didn’t have translators, either. We ended up using Dima’s, sorry, that’s Buredima Salehi, one of our riders, we ended up using her high school English to get around.

Bet she felt great about that.

Oh, of course. By the third day she came back with five little English phrasebooks she wrote down on some paper from the hotel office. She told us, “If you ask me to say one thing for you that’s on this list, I’m leaving on the next flight to Tilhuitnah.” I still remember the English for “please,” “thank you,” and “drink.” This time we were a lot better though. Not only did we know where we were going, but we knew what kind of terrain to train for and had a rough idea of how to pace ourselves for the race.

And it looks like it paid off, too. Now, I’ve heard some criticism about the team itself, seeing as it finished seventh out of nine overall in the race. Looking forward, are there any plans to improve the team’s performance as a whole?

Of course, Ondrey, there always are. Some of us are going to the Mundus Games soon, too, so we’ve been really looking at our training and seeing what we can optimise. And of course we’re always improving our pacing. I think we’re really going to see some great things at the Games this year.

Can’t wait to see it! Now, I seem to remember, between your Alba Karinya race and the Jugland Ladies’ Tour, you gained a new rider, right? How has that changed the team dynamic?

Well, it’s more accurate to say we replaced a rider. Kve’ta had to step down from racing because of her knee. So we had to shop around for a new recruit. In the end, we went with Sava Fayedenka. There were faster racers who applied, but we try to stay committed to supporting youth in racing, and it seemed right to replace Kve’ta with another rider from Shta. That said, we still see Kve’ta around. In fact, we see her every day, now that she’s one of our coaches. It still feels like old times, it’s just that Kve’ta can’t ride anymore.

Now, this last question is a request from one of our listeners, who asks, “what’s it like to be a woman, especially a Yachese woman, in cycling?”

Ah, yes, this question. Well, if I had to answer that I’d say it’s nice to be an inspiration to young Yachese women looking to take up the sport. I hope that one day one of them will be sitting in a chair like this and won’t be asked questions like that by men who don’t believe women belong in sport. Because that’s what questions like this are really about.
Oh, but other than that, it’s fantastic. If you’re ever having a bad day, go out on the street and train. And flip off joggers while you’re passing by. It’ll make all your troubles go away.

Well, that’s all we have time for today. That was Uzna Dzhalali, winner of the Jugland Ladies Tour, and soon-to-be Mundus Games medal winner.

Oh please, you’re too kind.

After the break, we’ll be discussing the latest baseball news and Mundus Games rumors. Stay tuned.

51

Sporting Hub / Re: Jugland Sports Network (OOC Signups)

« on: July 02, 2021, 12:18:28 AM »

A letter arrives from Izhitsa, almost dripping with postage stamps. It reads:

Greetings,

We are the Izhitsan cycling team Ednotnost. From 2018, we have incorporated cyclers from all parts of the nation and all walks of life, exemplifying the power of a nation united. As citizens of another nation that has seen much inner turmoil in its recent past, we applaud Jugland's efforts to reclaim its traditions and recall what it is like to gather together around sport. We would be honored to represent our country in the re-opened Jugland Ladies' Tour. Our application is attached.

Team Name: Ednotnost
Nation: Izhitsa
Riders:
Lenka Makhova
Miriam Tiboryevna
Uzna Dzhalali
Buredima Salehi
Marina Kolarefa
Sava Fayedenka (under 25)

52

Diplomacy and Events / Re: A bridge for democracy (Izhitsa and Fleur)

« on: June 29, 2021, 10:18:55 PM »

Dzhavid carefully considered his answer. The z Modry family as a whole weren't well-liked among the other great houses of Izhitsa, but there was one of that clan who, they agreed, was different. "Radim z Modry." Dzhavid wrote some contact details on the back of a card. "I forget how he fits into the family line. To be honest, I think the z Modrys sometimes forget he's one of theirs." Dzhavid realized the implications of what he'd just said. "Oh! But don't take that the wrong way," he said. "He's one of the most powerful of that line. He controls their textile interests. It's just that his connections with the other families are very, very deep. He's the sort of man you could have a glass of wine with, and if you didn't want to meet him he would find a way to meet you. I've spoken with him on multiple occasions. He's no radical, but he believes enough in reform that he could be... persuaded to help us."

After Dzhavid finished speaking, Hatsek said something to Dzhavid, who nodded. "I can personally confirm what the High Lord is saying," said Hatsek. "Radim is a friend of mine. He looks out for himself, but he has a conscience too. And good God, can that man argue! He can and will advocate for us with the other nobles. All he needs is a push."

53

Sporting Hub / Re: Mundus Games 2021 - OOC Signup

« on: June 27, 2021, 08:48:12 PM »

Izhitsan specialist disciplines:

1) Shooting
2) Cue sports
3) Rock climbing

54

Factbooks and Maps / Major Noble Houses of Izhitsa

« on: June 13, 2021, 05:29:30 PM »

The Izhitsan nobility held on to power long after the unification of the kingdom. Nobles were granted autonomy far beyond what they had previously enjoyed in order to secure their loyalty. Officially, the head of the house of Zhemislovtsy held each of the constituent principalities in personal union, with the exception of Yach, which was headed by a Zhemislovtsy governor, usually the heir-apparent. However, in reality, the crown had little direct power outside of Ved.
Even so, it seems unusual that Izhitsa’s noble houses would remain so relevant in modern society, considering that in most of Izhitsa, they were forced to submit to regional parliaments. There are two reasons for this. First, in most of these cases, the nobility retained hereditary rights to rule directly over smaller holdings, and a say in their government, both regionally and nationwide. Second, the nobility managed to obtain monopolies over some of Izhitsa’s most important industries. In fact, it wasn’t until the rise of Bartosh Metals in the 1910s that Izhitsa had a single mining company owned by someone outside the aristocracy.
Though these monopolies have been torn down, some through the efforts of the Liberal Party and their allies, and some through the turmoil of war, these companies remain influential and the connections they have even more so.

Major Noble Houses of Izhitsa

House z Cherny

Spoiler: show

The house z Cherny traces its origins to the beginning of Izhitsa, as the first crusaders arrived on the shores near what would become Kherhorod. According to the family legend, their progenitor was St. Ratimir, the navigator leading the crusader ships, who was originally a peasant from a small Rus village called Cherny. The typical story of St. Ratimir goes like this: Ratimir of Cherny was the navigator for the first wave of crusaders to arrive in Izhitsa. He had promised to bring the fighters to “where they needed to be,” but neglected to mention that he had seen a vision from God, showing a bountiful land flowing with gold and honey, exhorting him to liberate the people and bring about an era of peace in this New Jerusalem. Instead of bringing them to the Holy Land, St. Ratimir brought them to what is now Krikovo Pristevishte’, a small port near Kherhorod. When the men on the ship realised what was going on, they confronted him, but he explained his vision and told them that they needed to free the people of this land instead. The crusaders, inspired by his speech, proceeded to free the souls of the native Izhitsans from their corporeal bodies for the next couple hundred years.
Unlike the traditional sainthood story, the z Cherny family legend contends that St. Ratimir was a reformed thief, who had faked his navigation skills in order to join a crusade to the Holy Land, and simply got lost on the way. The vision, according to this telling, was simply an excuse to avoid a swift death at the hands of the crusaders. While it is unusual that they would choose to tell such an ignoble story about their claimed progenitor, members of the family argue it lends credence to their claim through the criterion of embarrassment.
There’s no archaeological evidence to support either legend, but it’s worth noting that Khers are the only ethnic Izhitsans who don’t recognise Ratimir of Cherny as a saint.

Family Holdings
While house z Cherny’s ancestral lands lie along the coast of Kher, most of their holdings after the establishment of the Principality of Kher in 1424 were in southern Kher and northern Shta. Even before Izhitsan unification, house z Cherny focused its efforts on acquiring the tin and copper mines that would make up the bulk of the family’s wealth. Post-unification, they were granted additional lands and mines in northern Shta as a reward for their betrayal of house z Modry.
During the civil war, most of the z Cherny landholders sided with the nationalists. However, their own miners, already unhappy with labor conditions and radicalised by leaders such as Matvey Karamovo, revolted against them. Meanwhile, the dissenting members of house z Cherny looted the family vaults and escaped to Yach. The rest of the family was eventually killed in action or captured by the communists.

Members Mentioned in RP
Lumir Alanovich z Cherny: The third son of the z Cherny patriarch. Always the black sheep of the family, Lumir Alanovich has always been more interested in women and cars than family business. He used his share of the z Cherny vaults to found an auto engineering company, Cherny Motorsport.

House zi Amarmadin

Spoiler: show

House zi Amarmadin is one of the few native Yachese families to rise to prominence in a state that so favored ethnic Izhitsan power, even before unification. The family’s founder, Amezian of Amarmadin, the ruler of a small polity in northwestern Dzelo, was one of the first Yachese to convert to Christianity. As the family legend goes, Amezian of Amarmadin initially led troops against the crusaders, defeating several of their armies outside of what would become Trkh, and executing all prisoners. However, after one battle, as he headed to a feast celebrating his victory, he was visited by the image of a man, shining with light. The man asked him, “Amezian, why do you hurt me so?” When Amezian asked who he was, stigmata opened up on the man’s body as he replied, “You only have to ask, my son.” Suddenly, Amezian was struck blind, and had to be led to the feast. Before the feast, Amezian had a prisoner brought over to explain his vision, and was not only healed, but converted. Amezian of Amarmadin went on to convert his kingdom to Christianity and willingly joined the crusader states that were beginning to form in Izhitsa.
The parallels between the conversion story of Amezian of Amarmadin and that of the apostle Paul are difficult to ignore, and most modern scholars agree that they are deliberate. In fact, because the names “Amezian” and “Paul” have similar roots, deriving from the words for “humble” in their respective languages, many historians believe that Amezian’s story derives from a corrupted version of Christian scripture. If anything, this only confirms the deep connection that house zi Amarmadin has with Izhitsan Christianity.
House zi Amarmadin divides Yachese opinion, because while it has contributed much to the preservation of Yachese culture, it has also attached itself inextricably to Izhitsan states. It is regarded as both a collaborator and a protector, both an oppressor and a symbol of Yachese power.

Family Holdings
House zi Amarmadin has seen its fortunes wax and wane with the whims of the Izhitsan rulers it has found itself shackled to. Initially controlling a large area in eastern Yach and western Dzelo, the family lands were pushed farther and farther east, until hereditary noble rule was abolished in Yach in 1903. However, its private lands are still extensive, with estates all around southwestern Yach. It also retains a significant interest in the industries for which it once held monopolies, particularly gypsum, phosphate, and aluminum. While its official monopoly status was finally revoked in 2000, their companies themselves were never actually broken up, leaving their relative power unchanged.

Members mentioned in RP:
Kulam zi Amarmadin: Head of Izhitsan Gypsum, formerly Amarmadin Gypsum, the successor company to the zi Amarmadin monopoly on gypsum mining in Yach. Eccentric but always dreaming, Kulam wasn’t his father’s first choice to take over the family business, but when his brothers died in the war, he was the only one left. His choice to take the company into the private spaceflight industry might be his father’s greatest regret.

House z Modry

Spoiler: show

House z Modry is perhaps Izhitsa’s most prominent family, with the possible exception of house Zhemislovtsy itself. Over their long history they have been crusader lords, dukes of Shta, and—briefly—kings over all of Izhitsa. They originated as lords over the fort for which Khorska Pevnot is named, which was granted to their progenitor, Svatopluk of Modry. Over time, through the strategic use of marriage alliances, they took direct control of much of southern and central Shta, before uniting the rest of Shta by force in 1695. In 1716, Radovan I z Modry, the second Duke of Shta, began what came to be known as the Grand Campaign, first invading Kher over the Smrka pass, then sweeping through the rest of Izhitsa before the other dukes knew what hit them. By 1722, Radovan I of Shta declared himself King of Izhitsa. However, this was not to last. After his death in 1748, his five sons divided Izhitsa into the modern regions of Ved, Kher, Dzelo, Yach, and Shta. While nominally under the control of the eldest son, Tadeush of Shta, the other dukes soon began quarrelling between themselves and established their own separate dynasties, each claiming to hold the true claim to the Kingdom of Izhitsa. Within seven years, each of the duchies were effectively independent from one another.
The Vedi branch of the family fell during the Zhemislovtsy Revolt in 1763, but the rest of the cadet branches did not fall until Izhitsan unification in 1824. Because of the vast power the family once held, house z Modry was always seen by the kingdom as a potential threat, and found its power considerably curtailed over the following centuries. Many of its lands were seized for other houses and its monopolies revoked. However, it remained the main power in Shta, until, after the Shtan branch supported the nationalists in the war, their assets were seized by the communists and the family killed, taken prisoner, or forced into hiding.

Family Holdings
While they once had holdings throughout Izhitsa, house z Modry lost most of its lands after Izhitsan unification, when it was either granted back to previous owners or awarded to Zhemislovtsy loyalists. By the start of the civil war, the family was reduced to controlling a large portion of central Shta and a few private estates in Dzelo and Yach.
While the family never held any formal monopolies, it was one of the first groups in Izhitsa to invest in industrialisation. As a result, it controlled informal monopolies on things like textiles, steel, and paper. The communists seized most of the family’s property during the war, but they hold most of the factories still standing in Dzelo and Yach, and retain vast social and monetary capital.

House Zhemislovtsy

Spoiler: show

House Zhemislovtsy is an extinct house, but that doesn’t mean its impact can be dismissed. From its humble origins in northern Ved, to its meteoric rise in 1824 and extermination in the Izhitsan Civil War, the family has seen considerable changes in its fortunes over the centuries.
The name “Zhemislovtsy” derives from an archaic Vedi variant of the patronymic form of the name Zhemislov, referring to the house’s legendary founder, the first Count of Hrabahrada. After consolidating a position over the Vedi coast, the family was subjugated by the Count of Fara, Aleksei II z Pasternak, who proclaimed the Duchy of Ved soon after in 1638. House Zhemislovtsy grew incredibly rich in the following centuries due to their control over Ved’s coastal ports, and remained so after Ved was conquered in the Grand Campaign of Radovan z Modry in 1719. This conquest unwittingly laid the foundation for the family’s future rise to prominence. After the death of Radovan of Shta, the Duchy of Ved was given to his third son, Vladan. Vladan and his son, Ludomir, were seen as tyrannical by the Vedi nobles. They were overthrown in the Zhemislovtsy revolt of 1763, and replaced by Alesh I Zhemislovtsy. His grandson, Stanimir, having heard rumors that the other z Modry dukes were plotting against him, embarked on a new Grand Campaign as a pre-emptive strike against them. In exchange for their support, Stanimir gave extensive lands and privileges to rebellious z Modry vassals after Izhitsan unification was completed in 1824. This would become the basis for the extensive noble privilege that plagued Izhitsa during the Kingdom era.
House Zhemislovtsy met its end at the beginning of the Izhitsan Civil War. On 2 March 2013, King Boleslav held a council with his house over the future of Izhitsa, requiring that all family members attend. As a result, when the nationalist uprising occurred, they were able to hunt down the entire family and publicly execute them, killing the last surviving member, Dushan, Prince of Fara, that June.
However, the story of the family does not end there, as a pretender, Kamil Yanoshek, has claimed a right to the throne from an illegitimate that supposedly originated in 1892. Time will tell if the Izhitsan people will support this claim.

Family Holdings
While it nominally held supreme power in Izhitsa, House Zhemislovtsy never significantly expanded its holdings from its base on the Vedi coast, except for seizing the Izhitsa major ports and buying small estates throughout the country. Through this, the family made a tidy income from docking dues and was able to unilaterally regulate the nation’s trade. This also ensured that the family always had a say in the regional governments despite the decentralised nature of the kingdom. The family estates have all reverted to the provisional government due to the family’s extinction.

House Pavlovich

Spoiler: show

55

International News Networks / Gypsum Magnate Launches Bid For “World’s First” Lunar Landing

« on: April 24, 2021, 04:43:01 AM »

Gypsum Magnate Launches Bid For “World’s First” Lunar Landing
Viktor Prokovo
23 April 2021

Speaking today from his Assif Ushaa estate, Kulam zi Amarmadin, head of Izhitsan Gypsum, spoke to the press today about a bold new initiative, funded by his company: Mundus’s first lunar landing. When questioned about history’s many previous lunar landings, including initiatives by Rokkenjima, Tytor, Achkaerin, and East Moreland, zi Amarmadin explained his belief that all previous lunar landings had been faked by their respective governments to control their populations. “It’s simple science,” he said. “Luna is a full 150 million kilometers away from Mundus. Do you seriously believe countries like Tytor could have reached it with 1970s-level technology?” As Luna is only about 384000 kilometers from Mundus, a journalist from the Mbruk Inquirer asked if zi Amarmadin had confused Luna with the Sun. He answered by accusing the journalists present of “buying into Occidental conspiracies,” walking offstage.
Despite a seeming lack of preparation on the part of its leader, Izhitsan Gypsum seems earnest in its intentions to bring Izhitsa into the space age. Company documents acquired by the Truth indicate that Izhitsan Gypsum has been hiring Izhitsans with astrophysics and aerospace engineering qualifications for some months. In addition, it has been buying facilities in Tafuri, a village southwest of Assif Ushaa, for the construction and launch of rockets. Local authorities have welcomed the additional jobs brought by the company, but have expressed concerns that the quixotic initiative could drive Izhitsan Gypsum under. “It’s not that Izhitsan Gypsum isn’t a rich company,” said Anazar Sharif, Tafuri’s mayor, “but this just seems like a dream from a mad aristocrat, you know? I wouldn’t want them to waste so much money trying to reach space that the whole region suffers.”
In a statement issued after the press conference, Izhitsan Gypsum explained the business model for its new venture. In essence, their goal is to provide inexpensive space launches for countries or businesses that cannot afford the services of the space agencies and private space corporations of wealthier nations. How this would be achieved was unclear. Despite this, Izhitsan Gypsum says it has already received investments from several interested private citizens, including at least one foreign investor. The entire statement can be read here.
Only time will tell if the new venture is successful, but in Tafuri, the mood is optimistic. Standing next to a stall selling “space trdelnik”, Meriem Kazar, a local business owner, expressed hope for the project. “Of course it’s mad!” she said. “But after seven years of war, just for once, I’d like to believe that we can do something like this. If we can blow each other up for years and years, we can go to the damn Moon.”

56

OOC Socialisation / Re: Leave of Absence Topic

« on: February 23, 2021, 03:30:19 AM »

I accidentally ended up taking two of the hardest classes in my degree program at the same time, so time is going to be at a premium until around May.

57

Press Offices / Re: Press Office of Izhitsa

« on: February 09, 2021, 06:25:54 AM »

Regarding Events Unfolding in the Northern Ocean and Parbhani

The Provisional Government of Izhitsa, pending a further review of the situation, issues this brief statement in response to reports of an Achkaerinese vessel moving into the southern Northern Ocean to protect Achkaerinese troops aiding in minesweeping duties across the nation.

First, we would like to express our disappointment that our first knowledge of the situation came from the Achkaerinese correspondent to the Kherhorod Truth, rather than from the Achkaerinese government themselves. While we understand that the Northern Ocean situation is volatile, we are saddened that the Achkaerinese government chose not to consult or alert the Izhitsan government before taking unilateral action. While none of the Achkaerinese actions in this situation have been illegal, it seems outside the spirit of the Council on Izhitsan Aid to send a warship near Izhitsan waters without informing any of the parties involved in Izhitsa.

That said, we are likewise deeply troubled by the situation in Parbhani. While it has been many years since our nation's last contact with Parbhani, news that it is once again violently refusing to allow its neighbours any self-determination is concerning. We call upon the Maharajadhiraja to retract their punitive measures on the people of Topri and engage in real acts of peacemaking, rather than conquest. If the two warring nations require a neutral venue for international healing, Izhitsa would be proud to invite a delegation from each nation to a peace conference in Hrabohrada.

Regarding the Fleuroix call for Achkaerin to recall their ships from the vicinity of Izhitsan waters, we again urge caution and express our disappointment that no consultation was made with any part of the Izhitsan government. Despite this, we do respect the concern that the Fleuroix have for their own troops in Izhitsa, who have at great expense aided the Izhitsan people and provided an inspiration for our constitutional scholars. On behalf of and in concern for our other invited guests, we would like to request that the government of Achkaerin either, a) ensure that their ships are kept at least three (3) days out from strike distance of Izhitsan waters, or b) allow one (1) naval vessel from each of the allies represented in the Council on Izhitsan Aid, including Achkaerin to monitor the Parbhani situation from Izhitsan waters. In this way we hope we can ensure the safety of our invited guests and neutrality of our territory.

As we understand the situation better, our stances on many of these issues may change drastically. However, we hope that no matter how this ends, that international statements and gunboat diplomacy will be replaced with mutual understanding and active communication.

Signed,
Antek Dzhavid, High Lord of Yach
Matvey Karamovo, Chairman of the First Committee of Izhitska Ednota

58

International News Networks / Izhitsan Federal Assembly Passes First Article of Izhitsan Constitution

« on: February 03, 2021, 05:31:58 PM »

Izhitsan Federal Assembly Passes First Article of Izhitsan Constitution
Aydril Adel
02 February 2021

The gridlock that plagued the Dochasny Rada in its unfortunate year of existence seems to have dissipated, as the Federal Assembly has successfully passed an article concerning the national legislature of the new Izhitsan republic. While the exact wording of the article will remain secret until the finished constitution is revealed, multiple sources within the Assembly indicate that the legislature is to be modeled on Yachese Parliament. It will be unicameral and elected by partly by proportional representation and partly through single transferable vote, and headed by a separately elected prime minister. In addition to legislating for the whole of Izhitsa, it will have the sole power to raise troops and regulate foreign and inter-region trade.

What does this mean for the Federal Assembly?

While this success is a notable contrast to last year’s aborted attempt to write a new constitution for Izhitsa, it is unlikely to assuage the Federal Assembly’s many detractors, who claim that election interference from Izhitska Ednota have created an assembly that is unrepresentative of Izhitsans as a whole. While it is still a major victory for the assembly, it remains to be seen whether this momentum can be sustained, and whether Izhitsans will accept the result. The Federal Assembly has 20 days left to finish the new Izhitsan constitution before revealing it to the world.

Why is Izhitska Ednota accused of election interference?

While elections to the assembly were intended to be performed under pre-war laws, there are reports that Izhitska Ednota have departed significantly from this mandate. In Ved, where voters are required to vote at their locally assigned polling station, citizens complained of being routed from one polling station to the next, before finally giving up the attempt altogether. In Dozortse, several voters reported that armed men with prominent Izhitska Ednota badges were placed outside polling stations, ostensibly to provide security. The results of this campaign of interference can be seen in the election results, where notoriously conservative Ved and Shta have elected a significant number of Izhitska Ednota delegates, despite the party’s failings in other parts of the country.

Izhitsan Federal Assembly Election Results

	Izhitska Ednota	Liberal Party	Conservative Party	G'ua Yach	Shaab Yach	Social-Democratic Party	Izhitsan Monarchists	Platform	Independents	Total
Yach	5	2	3	15	14	0	0	1	0	40
Ved	11	9	13	0	0	4	3	0	0	40
Dzelo	2	14	5	0	0	8	0	0	1	30
Kher	20	7	3	0	0	0	0	0	0	30
Shta	17	1	6	0	0	3	3	0	0	30
Total	55	33	30	15	14	15	6	1	1	170

This has led to Izhitska Ednota becoming the largest party in the Federal Assembly, with more delegates than the 5 smallest parties combined. We reached out to a party spokesman for comment but have received no answer as of this time. While there is a clear case that the party’s actions broke the rules set out by the second constitution of Izhitsa, the response has been relatively subdued. With only about 32% of the Federal Assembly’s seats, and as a pariah in the political community, the party is only able to pass legislation with the cooperation of at least one of the other parties, which it is unlikely to get.

What do the election results mean for Izhitsa?

The political implications of this election cannot be ignored. First of all, the poor performance of Izhitska Ednota in the regions not under its control bodes poorly for the party’s future in a normal federal republic. In Dzelo, the party was even outperformed by the Social-Democratic Party, whose decision not to join Izhitska Ednota when it was formed at the beginning of the civil war was said to be a career-ending move for many of its members. In addition, the Conservative Party remains strong despite its former association with many nationalist leaders, who left the party to form Izhitsa for Izhitsans in the 1990s. While it remains to be seen how much of this is a reaction to communist government in eastern Izhitsa, there is no doubt that the Conservatives will remain a force in Izhitsan politics for some time.
In Yach, the election seemed to display a significant decline in popularity for Shaab Yach, as the Yachese regionalist party saw its first defeat in a major election in decades. Losing votes sharply to G’ua Yach, the most prominent of the Yachese republican parties, Shaab Yach’s leadership is likely revising its electoral strategy for the coming elections. Izhitsan List chose not to contest these elections, instead advising its supporters to vote for one of the larger parties. This is what likely led to the gain in seats seen by the conservatives, who usually perform poorly in Yachese elections.
Perhaps the most intriguing event in these elections was the election of Sekkura Mona, the anarchist Yachese parliamentarian from Abakha, to her seat in the Federal Assembly. This indicates that her popularity is not merely restricted to her home district, but to a surprisingly large portion of the southwestern Yachese electorate. It also makes her the only known anarchist in the history of Mundus to have participated in the creation of a constitution for a federal republic. Whether this popularity will translate to nation-wide electoral success under the new constitution remains to be seen.

59

Diplomacy and Events / Re: A bridge for democracy (Izhitsa and Fleur)

« on: February 01, 2021, 08:18:53 PM »

"Oh, we don't want to be accused of outright bribery, Mr. Debeauson!" said Dzhavid. "But I'm sure that if a manufacturing magnate with democratic ideals found themselves suddenly able to make connections with foreign investors, they'd have much more time to devote to their, uh, political hobbies. And of course, it's not as if Izhitsa is a bad place for foreigners to do business. We've got inexpensive labor, friendly investment laws... All just waiting for an enterprising Fleuroix businessman to come along."

60

Convention Centre / Re: Ostlake Movie Awards 2021

« on: January 29, 2021, 05:27:12 AM »

BEST INTERNATIONAL FILM
Name of Film: The Unknown Saint
Genre: Heist, Comedy
Nation: Izhitsa
Brief Outline: Moments before his capture by Yachese police, a thief digs a fake grave to hide a bag of money. Released from prison years later, he returns to retrieve the bag, only to find a shrine to an Unknown Saint built directly over his loot, and a brand new village constructed all around it.
Link to the trailer

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Factbooks and Maps / Major Noble Houses of Izhitsa

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OOC Socialisation / Re: Leave of Absence Topic

Press Offices / Re: Press Office of Izhitsa

International News Networks / Izhitsan Federal Assembly Passes First Article of Izhitsan Constitution

Diplomacy and Events / Re: A bridge for democracy (Izhitsa and Fleur)

Convention Centre / Re: Ostlake Movie Awards 2021