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Offline Izhitsa

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Izhitsan News Networks
« on: January 02, 2020, 05:07:25 AM »

Fascist Insurgency Totally Defeated, Says IE Chief
Yulia Tancheva
01 Jan 2020

Hrabohrada - A coalition force of Yach and Izhitska Ednota troops have claimed final victory in a 7-year-long civil war against a military-back nationalist coup, says Matvey Karamovo, head of the IE paramilitary forces. Long after the defeat of government forces in 2016, the communist IE and the regionalist Yach governate have successfully retaken Hrabohrada, the historical capital of Izhitsa. Spokesmen for Yach and Izhitska Ednota say that this symbolic victory gives them the chance to begin making real changes to improve Izhitsa. Talks have already begun to introduce a new currency to replace the Revna, which has experienced severe inflation since the war began.
Matvey Karamovo stated that they plan to form a provisional government with the Yach governate until a new constitution could be drafted, adding that the previous constitution “has failed catastrophically.” In the meantime, Izhitska Ednota and Yach have drawn up what critics call occupation zones. Antek Dzhavid, the High Lord of Yach, denies these allegations. “We are simply dividing the task of administration over such a large and diverse area,” he said in a statement this morning. “This is a simple solution which will ensure peace in Izhitsa.” When asked whether he was afraid of handing over control to the communist IE, Dzhavid stated, “Izhitska Ednota have proven their commitment to democracy through blood and steel.”

More on this story as it develops.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:47:19 PM by Izhitsa »

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Yach Governate and IE Draw Formal Occupation Zones
« Reply #1 on: January 07, 2020, 08:02:47 PM »

Yach Governate and IE Draw Formal Occupation Zones
Yulia Tancheva
07 Jan 2020


Khorska Pevnot-After six days of tense negotiations, Matvey Karamovo and Antek Dzhavid have announced an official division of the Izhitsa. Previously, the armies of Yach and Izhitska Ednota governed whatever land they happened to occupy under martial law, leading to frequent, occasionally violent clashes between troops from both sides. Karamovo and Dzhavid have stated that they hope that declaring formal boundaries between their troops will lead to fewer such clashes and aid the administration of Izhitsa. “Dzhavid’s people have the manpower to govern highly populated like Dzelo and Ved, whereas our labor connections will allow us to govern the mountains of Shta far more effectively,” said Karamovo, addressing journalists outside an army compound in Khorska Pevnot. Karamovo and Dzhavid have continued to rebuff attempts to label these sections of the nation as “occupation zones,” instead referring to them as “administrative areas.”
Analysts in the Kherhorod Truth newsroom have shed doubts on the true intentions of the deal. Given that it leaves Ved split straight down the middle through Hrabohrada, it seems that this deal was made less in the spirit of effective administration but rather as a way to safely freeze their conflict without giving too much to either side.
The deal has been criticised both outside and within the parties involved. Vladen Korzhef, leader of the Liberal Party, decried this as “an obvious attempt to sabotage our return to democracy.” Meanwhile, Dzhavid and Karamovo are under fire from many in their own organisations for giving up too much to the other side. In a rare break with Karamovo, Anton Brazda, Speaker of the First Committee of Izhitska Ednota, denounced the the division of Hrabohrada into east and west occupation zones, saying, “We have let down the hundreds of thousands of Hradans who fought for the revolution.” Meanwhile, Tadar Hamady, Prime Minister of Yach, decried the deal as “nothing but a victory for the far left.”
The deal has spurred fears of a permanent east-west Izhitsan split. In Hrabohrada, population exchanges have already begun, with leftists moving east and rightists moving west.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:47:36 PM by Izhitsa »

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Yach Governate and Izhitska Ednota Declare Constitution “Null and Void”
« Reply #2 on: January 12, 2020, 05:23:33 AM »

Yach Governate and Izhitska Ednota Declare Constitution “Null and Void”
Yulia Tancheva
11 Jan 2020

In a widely anticipated move, the Parliament of the Yach Governate and the First Committee of Izhitska Ednota have issued a joint statement declaring the Izhitsan Constitution to be out of legal force. Noting that the Constitution relied on a monarchy which no longer exists, they announced the creation of a provisional government with a view toward creating a new constitution. In addition, they announced that this provisional government would begin repairing Izhitsa’s relationship with the outside world.
Small-scale protests sponsored by the Liberal Party have begun, primarily in Trkh and Obkhodni Me’sto, asserting that the declaration was illegal and that Izhitsans have a duty to resist what protestors view as a blatant attempt to subvert the existing democratic process. They call for an end to military rule and immediate elections to the Izhitsan Parliament to determine Izhitsa’s future.


Our Analysis
Svatopluk Yaroshovo

The legal case for the establishment of a provisional government in this case is shaky at best. The official press release for this decision outright acknowledges that their actions are illegal, which is certainly an unorthodox move. By recognising that their authority comes solely from military might, the provisional government might be attempting to ingratiate themselves to a skeptical public hungry for honesty from the highest echelons of power. This will surely come back to bite them at some point, though. Vladen Korzhef of the Liberal Party has already jumped on this quote, urging people to resist the authority of “adventurers and mercenaries.”
The main objection to the provisional government’s argument, however, arises from the fact that there are probably still legal heirs to the Izhitsan throne still alive. The Zhemislovtsy dynasty was hardly a randy bunch, and was notorious for refusing political marriages. But, given their nearly 200 years in power, they could have hundreds of descendants by now, each of whom could now assert their claim to the throne.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:47:59 PM by Izhitsa »

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Yach Governate and Izhitska Ednota Introduce Constitutional Committee
« Reply #3 on: January 26, 2020, 05:33:07 AM »

Yach Governate and Izhitska Ednota Introduce Constitutional Committee, Foreign Office
Yulia Tancheva
25 Jan 2020

Hrabohrada - As promised, the Yach Governate and Izhitska Ednota have today announced a committee to write a new constitution for Izhitsa. Called the Dochasny Rada, it will meet in the Amphitheater of Hrabohrada palace, likely because Zhludum, the old parliament building, suffered severe fire damage during the civil war. The committee will consist of 100 delegates from the Yach occupation zone and 100 from the Izhitska Ednota occupation zone. How these delegates will be chosen was unspecified in both the government press statement and the official text of their declaration. However, considering that the first meeting of the Dochasny Rada will be on February 10th, it's unlikely elections will be held in the next 16 days.
This declaration came with a promise that national elections would take place by this time next year, if the new constitution is approved by elected delegates from each of the regions of Izhitsa.
Also included in the announcement was the creation of a unified foreign ministry. While it is unclear exactly under whose authority it will be run, its joint leaders will be Bartolomey Hatsek from the Yach Governate and Dushan Ondrevich from Izhitska Ednota. While the inclusion of Mr. Hatsek is a surprise to no one, Mr. Ondrevich’s role in this enterprise has been questioned by many, as he has so far been completely unknown in the realm of foreign affairs. When Truth journalists visited him at his home and asked him what his credentials were, he stated, “Well, let’s just say that there are few members of Izhitska Ednota whose experience in this arena can rival mine.” When asked to elaborate, he ignored the question and offered to make a cup of tea.
The reaction to this news has been lukewarm at best, with Liberal Party leader Vladen Korzhef calling for delegates to the Dochasny Rada to be appointed by free elections, while protestors in Hrabohrada continue unabated.

Our Analysis
Svatopluk Yaroshovo

The Yach Governate and Izhitska Ednota seem have hit upon a formula for conducting national matters between themselves: make sure both factions have equal say in the decision-making. From the dual foreign ministers to the equally-split Dochasny Rada to their literal division of the country, it’s clear that this method is here to stay.
It seems that they are allowing themselves enough leeway to appoint whoever they want to the Dochasny Rada, while trying to avoid public outcry as much as possible. Their strategy of simply not saying how delegates will be chosen is painfully obvious and unlikely to work in the long run. However, if they stay true to their word, and require that the constitution be eventually approved by elected officials from all over Izhitsa, this could be the key to giving their work legitimacy in the eyes of the people.
What’s more interesting is the creation of a unified foreign ministry. While Antek Dzhavid and Matvey Karamovo have declined to issue any statement on unifying their militaries, trade policy, and other arguably national matters, they have maintained their lofty goal of rebuilding Izhitsa’s diplomatic department since the beginning. Bartolomey Hatsek, famed for promoting Izhitsan interests in Mid-Aranye, was an obvious choice for this task. More mysterious is the appointment of Dushan Ondrevich. Apparently a migrant worker for most of his life, Ondrevich seems to have little experience in the diplomatic realm. While this may simply be because his previous work was secret, it is more likely that this is a reflection of the skilled manpower problems suffered by Izhitska Ednota due to its limited appeal.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:48:16 PM by Izhitsa »

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Matvey Karamovo Talks Rationing, Constitution
« Reply #4 on: February 02, 2020, 01:53:39 AM »

Matvey Karamovo Talks Rationing, Constitution
01 Feb 2020

In an interview this Friday with Pravda Politics Hour host Svatopluk Yaroshovo, Chairman Matvey Karamovo took questions on the Dochasny Rada and rumours regarding rationing.

Svatopluk Yaroshovo: Mr. Chairman, thanks for being with us today.

Matvey Karamovo: My pleasure, Mr. Yaroshovo. I understand we’re discussing some pretty important topics today, so let’s jump right in.

Right. Let’s start with the Dochasny Rada. I understand that neither Izhitska Ednota nor the Yach Governate have opted not to hold elections.

Yep. We arrived at this decision after a long period of discussion. Our decision was based on three main points: first, we want to get the Dochasny Rada started as soon as possible. They have a lot of work to get done.
Just at the top of the list, they have to design a new parliamentary system that doesn’t involve a king, reorganise our administrative districts to be less confusing and better-managed, and introduce means to prevent something like this civil war from ever happening again.
Second, we would like to avoid allowing petty politics to influence the course of the debate. It would be a shame for our constitution to be written by populists and demagogues.
Third, we believe we can arrive at a representative sample of our people by choosing from current and former politicians and scholars. It’s not necessarily democratic, but I think if you saw the list of delegates we have drawn up, you would agree that these are the people who should have a hand in reforming Izhitsa.

Hang on a bit. Did you say the new constitution was going to be changing up administrative districts?

Yes. This was announced just recently, right?

As far as I know, it was announced just now in the course of this interview.

Well, just to refresh your memory, part of the new constitution will reorganise Izhitsa’s administrative levels to make them far, far simpler. Did you know there are five different titles used for city-level leaders in this nation, three of which overlap with district-level titles? And of course, who can forget that Yach has a completely separate system of titles and hierarchies from the rest of Izhitsa. Getting rid of this… vestige of Izhitsan feudalism has been a long time coming.

I see. Anyway, how do you think you can convince the people that your constitution has any legitimacy if it wasn’t written by people they chose?

As stated in our press statement this week, we’re having the constitution be approved by elected delegates from every region of Izhitsa once it’s finished. The people are absolutely going to have a voice in the final product, and we believe this is going to grant the future government of Izhitsa is needed legitimacy.

Moving on, there are recent rumours flying around that Izhitska Ednota is planning to introduce rationing in their occupation zone.

Occupation zone… Oh, you mean administrative zone. Yes. In response to unethical behavior in Izhitsa’s food markets we’re introducing food rationing.

What do you mean by “unethical behavior”?

Surely this isn’t news to you. Over the past 20 years, merchants have been drastically marking up the price of food, such that only the wealthy are able to maintain a healthy diet. We’re finally putting a stop to it. We’ll be distributing food in an equitable manner to everyone in our administrative zone. Extra rations will go to those who need it, such as pregnant women and manual laborers.

When is this going into effect?

Within the coming week. As we speak, ration cards are being distributed to town halls. Each citizen will go to their local town hall and collect their ration card, which will be redeemable at any food merchant for the amount of food on the card.

That soon?

We’re good at planning.

One last question. How will you handle Izhitsans living in Hrabohrada? Will you be issuing the whole city ration cards, or only the ones in your occupation zone?

We will issue ration cards to Izhitsans who live in the Izhitska Ednota administrative zone of Hrabohrada. If Izhitsans in the Yach administrative zone want to move, they can pick up the necessary paperwork in the east end of the former king’s palace.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I believe that’s all we have time for today.

Thank you for having me. [dial tone]

Goodness. Did Matvey Karamovo just announce a rationing program on my radio show?
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:48:37 PM by Izhitsa »

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Delayed Dochasny Rada Opens Amid Protests, Power Failures
« Reply #5 on: February 23, 2020, 05:18:47 AM »

Delayed Dochasny Rada Opens Amid Protests, Power Failures
Yulia Tancheva
22 Feb 2020

Hrabohrada - Despite power outages and ongoing protests, the delegates to Izhitsa’s new constitutional committee, the Dochasny Rada, were finally able to enter the former king’s palace yesterday.
Though the first meeting was intended to be on February 10th, protestors consistently blocked the entrance to the building, where the meetings were intended to take place. The protestors object to the undemocratic nature of the proceedings. They say that the delegates, largely hand-picked by Matvey Karamovo and Antek Dzhavid themselves, with assent from their respective legislative assemblies, should step down and demand proper elections. Though these protests have been a regular event in Hrabohrada since the end of the civil war, they have grown immensely in the last two weeks due to power outages. One protestor, Libe’na Tsapkova, stated, “It’s not enough that the communists and the Yachese have taken over the country. Now they can’t even run it properly. We need the voice of the people! We need our parliament back!” Though the protests have shown little sign of stopping, paramilitary forces from Izhitska Ednota have managed to clear a path into the former king’s palace, and government work has resumed there.
Izhitska Ednota and the Yach Governate have so far refused demands for an elected constitutional committee, citing an urgent need for fast change. They claim that since the death of the royal family and the destruction of parliament by the nationalists during the civil war, the current Izhitsan constitution is no longer valid or desirable. In addition, they claim that the delegates they have chosen represent the greatest leaders in Izhitsa, and that these people would have been elected anyway.
Though the delegates chosen for the Dochasny Rada represent a wide variety of backgrounds and beliefs, they consist almost entirely of region-level politicians. Perhaps the most notable exception is Archbishop Yakub IV of Dzelo, a well-known pre-war reformist in both political and ecclesiastical matters, who has clashed with the Patriarch of Hrabohrada repeatedly during his tenure. Some of the initially proposed delegates refused to participate in the Rada because, in the words of Vladen Korzhef, one of these would-be delegates and leader of the Liberal Party, “This committee is an undemocratic farce, a replacement for proper deliberation by the people’s chosen representatives.”
Because they were unable to meet in their planned location, the Rada occupied Hrada Central Park for the duration of the week. During this time, they decided on rules of engagement for the rest of their planned eight months of deliberation. Their work is to be kept secret, to allow the delegates the chance to deliberate freely, and their meetings will take place twice per week to allow the delegates to continue their other work.
A complete list of the delegates published online on February 12th indicates that the Dochasny Rada consists of roughly 20% Yachese People’s Party, 23% Izhitska Ednota, 25% Liberal Party, 23% Conservative Party, 6% Social-Democratic Party, and 3% unaffiliated delegates. While this is roughly equal to pre-war representation in Izhitsan Parliament, assuming Izhitska Ednota is meant to represent the various leftist parties of pre-war Izhitsa, it does give YPP and IE a cumulative 12% boost in their representation.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:48:50 PM by Izhitsa »

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Izhitsan Provisional Government Missing Over 200000 Nationalist Fighters
« Reply #6 on: March 07, 2020, 02:12:25 AM »

Internal sources say Izhitsan Provisional Government “Missing Over 200000 Nationalist Fighters”
Yulia Tancheva
06 Mar 2020

Since the end of the civil war in January, Izhitska Ednota and the Yach Governate have been attempting to round up nationalist fighters to bring them to justice for the many war crimes committed during the war. However, recent leaks from their militaries say that 203414 fighters listed on nationalist payrolls captured near the end of the war are yet to be accounted for.
There are numerous possibilities for where these fighters could have gone. About 40000 unidentified nationalist soldiers were recovered after in the sieges of Hrabohrada and Fara, which occurred after these rolls were last updated. In addition, 30000 are estimated to have died in dinghies sunk during attempts to escape Hrada Harbor as the siege began. Even given these numbers though, at least 130000 fighters remain unaccounted for.
The conclusion reached by both IE and Yach is that most of the remaining fighters have assimilated into the general population or fled overseas. This, naturally, has them rather panicked.
Anonymous sources close to Chairman Karamovo say that he is organising an intelligence unit intended to root out the nationalists from the IE occupation zone, while High Lord Dzhavid has begun to institute a civil registration program in the Yachese occupation zone in an attempt to force nationalists to out themselves. These initiatives are intended to prevent a second nationalist uprising from occurring under their feet.
These revelations have also begged the question of what is to be done with the hundreds of thousands of nationalists fighters already in prisoner of war camps around Izhitsa. Factions across the nation have sent out calls for anything from summary execution of each prisoner to amnesty for all nationalist fighters. While IE and Yach have begun to set up court systems specifically to handle the crimes committed during the war, these have come under fire from politicians across the aisle for their irregularities. For example, no physical evidence will be required to convict in these courts, and there has been no public assurance of a jury. These politicians, who have formed the group “Izhitsans for Fair Tribunals”, argue that such suspension of basic rights will inevitably lead to the executions of tens of thousands of people for crimes they didn’t commit.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:49:10 PM by Izhitsa »

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Dzhavid and Karamovo Fire Back at Tamora
« Reply #7 on: March 14, 2020, 03:26:46 AM »

Dzhavid and Karamovo Fire Back at Tamora
Svatopluk Yaroshovo
13 Mar 2020

In response to comments from Tamora this Sunday, in which it announced it would not recognise the self-declared provisional government of Izhitsa, Antek Dzhavid and Matvey Karamovo have issued separate statements condemning the Tamoran government.

In a press conference in front of his Tilhuitnah office late this morning, Dzhavid said,
“Tamora simply refuses to face facts. There is no possible legitimate government for Izhitsa besides the provisional government. Both the Yach Governate and Izhitska Ednota pledged their support for the previous government before it was destroyed by the nationalists, and, as such, we are the closest thing to the previous government which still exists. These comments are nothing but a poor attempt to interfere with the Izhitsan political process. I remind Tamora and the international community at large that Izhitsa’s current situation is merely a temporary one. We are working to create a real, legitimate government by creating a new constitution that will have popular consent, but in the meantime, the military power of Yach and Izhitsa Ednota are required to maintain order.”
Later in the speech, the High Lord called on the international community to “defy this unprovoked Tamoran aggression and aid the people of Izhitsa by officially recognising the Izhitsan provisional government.”

Karamovo held a press conference in front of the former king’s palace in which he attacked the Tamora’s statement on nationalist fighters:
“God, or whatever gods of Tamora’s choosing, will not smile upon Djerb’s decision to protect murderers and traitors. By refusing to cooperate with us on bringing the rebels to justice, Tamora implicitly endorses the crimes they committed, including the torture of thousands of people using chemical weapons, the mass murder of over a million of the Yachese people in communities throughout Izhitsa, and the destruction of our government which led to a long and bloody civil war.”
He concluded the speech by attacking the legitimacy of Tamora itself, saying, “I refuse to be lectured on political legitimacy by an absolutist empire which continues to hold 25% of its population in bondage, more than half to depraved corporations who view slavery as an alternative means of debt collection. We in Izhitska Ednota may not be the most religious of Izhitsans, but at the very least we know that God does not want us to hold his people as slaves.”
The Crusader Kingdom of Izhitsa held slaves for several hundred years after its founding in the mid-1300s, but outlawed the practice in the late 17th century due to pressure from the Patriarch of Hrabohrada.

In both of their speeches, Dzhavid and Karamovo announced that Izhitsa would be embargoing Tamoran goods, a move which is unlikely to affect either nation significantly, as trade between Izhitsa and Midaranye dropped significantly after the civil war began. Analysts worry that reducing Izhitsa’s possible trading partners could worsen its ongoing food shortage, which has seen food prices rise nearly 80% in the last year. While the Izhitska Ednota occupation zone has resorted to government purchase rationing of food to control food prices, the Yachese occupation zone continues to allow the food market to work freely.

You can view the full versions of the speeches mentioned here on our Twitter page.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:49:21 PM by Izhitsa »

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In Yach Parliament, a Brawl Over Nationalist Prisoners
« Reply #8 on: April 23, 2020, 11:06:48 PM »

In Yach Parliament, a Brawl Over Nationalist Prisoners
Svatopluk Yaroshovo
23 Apr 2020

Yach Parliament has long been considered a model for regional assemblies around Izhitsa. Despite the diverse range of viewpoints it houses---from Yachese republicans to communist Izhitsaphiles---it has always managed to operate with civility and professionalism unrivaled in Izhitsa. That is, until yesterday.
The question of what to do with the imprisoned nationalist fighters has always been an uncomfortable issue. And for good reason. It’s the only issue in which a communist and a conservative may agree with each other while disagreeing with their comrades. Indeed, to date no Izhitsan political party has managed to cobble together a united policy on the subject.
This is why for the last few months the question has been passed further down the road, until all the nationalist fighters can be accounted for. However, as it becomes increasingly clear that this is a lost cause, Yach Parliament has begun to debate what to do with the fighters.
And what a debate it is.
In Yach Parliament, it began as a proposal to send the fighters to Uppsala Convention courts. It was meant to be a compromise. The proponents, Yanat Pirani, a Liberal, and Masuna Radi, a Yachese Republican, hoped that passing the decision off to a neutral body would be an acceptable middle ground for those hoping for amnesty and those hoping for execution. This turned out to be an incredibly poor judgement on their part.
To be sure, the proposal did get immediate support from a significant bloc of Yachese Parliament. The Izhitsans for Fair Tribunals, a group of MPs from across the political spectrum attempting to ensure that nationalist fighters get fair trials, each endorsed the measure in turn. However, the support ended there. MPs from the Yach Power Party accused Pirani and Radi of bending to internationalists. Sekkura Mona, the anarchist MP for Abakha, joined forces with monarchist Voytse’kh Davidovich in accusing the pair of being in league with traitors. Meanwhile, fellow Liberals Boris Brunovich and Uza Sadri personally castigated Yanat Pirani, saying he had “betrayed the principles of liberalism in proposing that Izhitsans be sent to justice in an autocratic state.”
The matter would have ended there, but for an unfortunate fit of agreement in the mist of the discord. Following the verbal abuse of Pirani and Radi from across the spectrum, several MPs piped up with their own proposals, and Yach Parliament voted to consider these ahead of their usual business, as the matter was pressing. The day’s debate could only go downhill from here.
First, Sekkura Mona presented her proposal: summary execution of all people found on nationalist military payrolls. This admittedly simple plan was met with tuts and hisses from most of the chamber, though a few of the monarchists and secessionists seemed to murmur in agreement. Overtly built on a solid foundation of resentment, the proposal needed some toning down before most parliamentarians would feel comfortable voting for it.
This presumably, is why Social Democrat Idzhu Shaban and Liberal Martsel Hlavach proposed a more fleshed-out version of what has become one of the more popular proposals: special tribunals allowing conviction on witness testimony alone. The justification is that in many places the nationalists left little evidence of their wrongdoings, often by wiping all evidence of entire villages. This option is largely seen as the default as Yach and Izhitska Ednota have already begun working on courts designed around these principles. Despite this, opposition remains strong. Social Democrat Izkel Farah opposed the plan because it would violate the Uppsala Convention and similar treaties to which Izhitsa has been party in the last century, while Conservative MP Alesh Ludovich equated the idea with “mob justice”, drawing both hisses and grunts of support from the chamber. When the votes were counted, the chamber had voted 197-153 against the plan.
You could taste the tension in the room when Vit Zirnef, party whip for Izhitska Listina, presented his proposal. Zirnef has long been unpopular with MPs outside of his party for many of the same reasons he is so popular with the Izhitsan minority in Yach: his brash and chauvinistic speech, his constant appeals to religion, and his unceasing desire to reduce Yach’s autonomy within Izhitsa. It was hardly a surprise when he enumerated his proposal to grant amnesty to nearly all nationalist fighters. Zirnef has been looking for supporters for this proposal even before the war ended, saying it would encourage the nationalists to surrender. However, he seems to have misjudged the extent of his support. Once he finished reading out his plan, the chamber fell into an uproar, as MPs practically pushed each other over to condemn him. As High Lord Dzhavid attempted to call order in the chamber, Ikken Hassan, MP from Tamazirt, surreptitiously walked to the front of the chamber. When he reached the podium, Hassan began assaulting Zirnef, shouting, “those men gassed my sister you treasonous pig!” Hassan’s fellow parliamentarians subdued him and pulled him away from Zirnef, but not before Hassan managed to break a nose and crack several ribs. The mood suddenly more sober, Yach Parliament voted to postpone the issue for the time being.
What’s remarkable about this is how little High Lord Dzhavid attempted to control the conversation. As High Lord, he presides over Yach Parliament and could have overridden the Parliament vote to consider the prisoner issue before the rest of the day’s business. In the last few months, Dzhavid has used his power to control the conversation, sometimes even unilaterally taking decisions without input from Parliament. However, in this issue, he seems hesitant, likely because any decision he takes will be led with stiff resistance from broad segments of Izhitsa.
One can only wonder: if even one of the most peaceful branches of society breaks down in merely discussing the prisoner issue, what’s going to happen when a decision is actually made?

Svatopluk Yarashovo is a political correspondent for the Kherhorod Truth and hosts the Pravda Politics Hour on IKhER every Saturday from 8-9 PM and again for international channels on Sundays from 10-11 AM.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:49:35 PM by Izhitsa »

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Izhitsa Celebrates Workers’ Day
« Reply #9 on: May 02, 2020, 01:33:00 AM »

Izhitsa Celebrates Workers’ Day
Viktor Prokovo
01 May 2020

The sound of explosions has run through the streets of Hrada for years, but today, no one cowers in their homes to wait it out. The people running through the streets aren’t running from something, but to something. They’re not crying, but laughing.
For many, very little has changed in the last few months. Unemployment remains high, food remains expensive, justice remains unserved. But the mood has brightened, and there seems to be a light at the end of Izhitsa’s seven-year-long tunnel of woe.
Workers’ Day isn’t exactly a traditional Izhitsan holiday. It arose during the Great War, as part of the Social Democrats’ general protest against the seemingly endless war. At its inception, it was a general strike against the dangerous working conditions that arms manufacturers forced onto their workers to meet quotas. At this time, labor laws were being actively ignored by the Izhitsan government to increase war production. The strike was timed for the anniversary of the 1898 Tureno Affair, in which police fired on protestors calling for an eight-hour work day. It was a massive success, bringing Izhitsan production to a complete halt—up until the point most of Izhitsa’s labor leadership was arrested for sedition.
Despite its chequered origins, Workers’ Day quickly became a yearly day of activism, parades, and the celebration of labor. In 1947, it was declared a national holiday, partly in recognition of the extraordinary contribution Izhitsan workers made to the Great War and partly in recognition of the fact that Izhitsan workers had gone on strike every May 1st for the previous 28 years and weren’t likely to stop anytime soon.
The civil war made celebrations difficult. The nationalists banned the holiday, calling it another example of “cultural communist corruption”. In Yach, the weakening of the Yachese Left after the formation of Izhitska Ednota, which is seen by many Yachese as a purely Izhitsan organisation, killed any chance for wide-scale celebrations. Even in the areas controlled by Izhitska Ednota, all available resources were spent on fighting the nationalists.
This, the first Workers’ Day of the new Izhitsa, was marked by official celebrations in Hrada, Tilhuitnah, Trkh, and Kherhorod, with Matvey Karamovo, Antek Dzhavid, Anton Brazda personally giving speeches at several events.
Their words will little matter to the next generation of Izhitsans, and in truth, the details don’t matter. They spoke about Izhitsa’s rebirth in the fires of war. They spoke of our suffering, and the redemption it has bought us. Whatever the future will bring us, we will be happy. Men, women, and children clapped, and fireworks launched.
Their words will little matter to the next generation, because they will be little different from the words of the Workers’ Days of the future. Because with the New Izhitsa’s inaugural Workers’ Day, we have brought the New Izhitsa to normality.

Viktor Prokovo is a cultural correspondent for the Kherhorod Truth. His book on Izhitsan drifter culture, So, I Walked, can be found wherever books are sold.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:49:46 PM by Izhitsa »

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Izhitsan Monarchists Recognise Pretender
« Reply #10 on: May 22, 2020, 06:16:13 AM »

Izhitsan Monarchists Recognise Pretender
Yulia Tancheva
21 May 2020

With the systematic pursuit and execution of the Izhitsan royal family by Izhitsan nationalists during the civil war, it has been long assumed that the old Izhitsan constitution, which required a monarch to function, was no longer valid. This came as a particular blow to the Izhitsan Monarchists, who before the war promoted an absolute form of government under the Zhemislovtsy dynasty. The nationalist onslaught exhausted their extensively researched line of succession within six months, leaving their aspirations on the lurch.
However, the party recently came out with a surprise announcement. From his mountain retreat in Shta, Dobroslav Pavlovich, the leader of the Izhitsan Monarchists, presented, by television broadcast, a man he claims to be the heir to the Izhitsan throne. According to Pavlovich, Kamil Yanoshek, who now styles himself Kamil I Zhemislovtsy, is the former king’s third cousin once removed, from what he says is an illegitimate line which originated in 1892. While there is no history of illegitimate heirs claiming succession in the notoriously puritanical Zhemislovtsy family, there is precedent for it in some of the old Izhitsan principalities. Dzel and Shta both have had successions where illegitimate sons have successfully laid claim to the throne after the untimely deaths of potential legitimate heirs. Pavlovich went on to say that Yanoshek’s existence “smashed any notion that the so-called republic the Liberals are trying to foist on us can have any legitimacy.” He called for Yanoshek’s coronation to be held in the former king’s palace within five weeks, as stipulated in the old Izhitsan constitution.
Yanoshek had himself only heard rumours of a connection to Izhitsan royalty from his grandmother. He had never believed them before Pavlovich showed him evidence from copies of royal records. Up until this point, he has been working as a restaurateur in Fara, where he runs a reasonably well-rated Safraese-Izhitsan fusion eatery. When asked if he thinks he has a clear shot at taking the Izhitsan throne, he said, “Izhitsa needs a king. I mean, look at us now. We’re stuck between the communists, who want to take our livelihoods away, and the Yachese, who, let’s face it, have wanted to stick it to us since the first Izhitsan crusade. I think enough people recognise this to make it a real possibility.”
Neither the Yach Governate or Izhitska Ednota responded to requests for comment. As they have co-opted the former king’s palace as an administrative building for the area around Hrabohrada, they are unlikely to react positively if Yanoshek attempts to hold a coronation there.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:49:56 PM by Izhitsa »

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Nationalist Prisoners Sent to Farm Camps Amid Food Concerns
« Reply #11 on: June 13, 2020, 10:44:41 PM »

Nationalist Prisoners Sent to Farm Camps Amid Food Concerns
Yulia Tancheva
13 June 2020

Reports on the scene and within the government have confirmed that Izhitska Ednota is sending nationalist prisoners to Shta to work on collective farms. Soybeans, barley, and various varieties of soybean are among the plants being cultivated to cover Izhitska Ednota’s rapidly shrinking supply of food as it struggles to provide its people basic rations. Sources within the government confirm that Izhitska Ednota predicts that its stockpiles will empty in the next 3-8 months, saying that rationing authorities have long ago given up fulfilling nutritional needs. According to one source, who asked not to be named, Izhitska Ednota has “slowly been decreasing rations, hoping for lower food prices in the summer and fall, but it’s more and more looking like we’re going to be in for a rough year.”

Izhitsa’s food issues are nationwide and are compounded by the destruction that occurred in Dzelo during the civil war. Traditionally Izhitsa’s breadbasket, Dzelo was the main site of most of the fighting between the Yach Governate and the nationalist forces. Much of Dzelo’s agricultural area remains unsafe due to widespread use of landmines during the war, and as a result has been allowed to lay fallow. The uncertainty surrounding the nature and stability of the Izhitsan Revna has made importation prohibitively expensive as well. Because of this, Izhitsa has seen food prices skyrocket, a problem which Izhitska Ednota had intended to solve with the rationing.


Kherhorod Truth contacts managed to grab this photo before they were detained by local authorities. Unfortunately, their camera was badly damaged before their release.

Kherhorod Truth contacts, at great personal risk, managed to sneak onto a prison farm about 30 miles from Dozortse. Prisoners were using outdated or repurposed equipment to till land, only given half rations unless they did a full day’s work. Prisoners are exposed to a twice-daily “motivational meeting” from a political officer on site, espousing the benefits of the socialist system and rebuking the prisoners for their involvement in the war. Medical facilities seem to be insufficient or non-existent.

When asked for comment, Izhitska Ednota was evasive, with a spokesman saying that the installations are new and that work “is on a purely voluntary basis.” However, it raises a serious question: How can Izhitska Ednota see justice done to these prisoners, whether to an Uppsala Convention Court for war crimes, or in a traditional Izhitsan court for crimes against the state, if they’re needed to feed the people?
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:50:12 PM by Izhitsa »

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Yach People’s Party Preparing Vote To Postpone Yachese Elections
« Reply #12 on: June 15, 2020, 02:10:59 AM »

Yach People’s Party Preparing Vote To Postpone Yachese Elections
Yulia Tancheva
14 June 2020

Anonymous sources within the Yachese People’s Party have confirmed that the party is planning a vote to delay Yach’s December elections by one year. Under an obscure portion of the Yachese constitution, elections can be delayed one year to respond to “threats to the election.” The exact nature of a “threat” is left undefined. This requires a two-thirds vote in Parliament and the assent of the Governor of Yach. As the Governorship of Yach is appointed by the King of Izhitsa, Yach has lacked a Governor since the murder of Prince Otmar by nationalist forces in 2014. As a result, their duties fall to the High Lord, Antek Dzhavid, leader of the Yach People’s Party.
Shaab Yach[1] is reportedly justifying the move by citing safety concerns regarding missing nationalist fighters, who they worry might attempt a terror campaign against election sites. They also cited a wish to avoid a chaotic transition when Izhitsa adopts its new constitution in November.
The Yach Power Party is expected to cooperate with the plan, with negotiations underway with the Conservatives, Izhitsan List and individual Liberal MPs to support the measure. The Truth’s parliamentary contacts from other parties in Yach Parliament report having heard nothing about the proposal and have universally denounced it, with Platform MP Sekkura Mona calling it “a brazen attack on the people’s right to self-government.”
The vote is planned to occur within the next two weeks.
 1. Shaab Yach is a colloquial name for the Yach People's Party to differentiate it from the Yach Power Party, which is called G'ua Yach.
« Last Edit: June 18, 2020, 11:50:21 PM by Izhitsa »

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Izhitsa Engulfed In Renewed Protests For Elected Leadership
« Reply #13 on: June 19, 2020, 07:35:30 PM »

Izhitsa Engulfed In Renewed Protests For Elected Leadership
Yulia Tancheva
19 June 2020

Revelations surrounding Izhitsa’s food crisis and plans to delay the Yachese elections have led to renewed protests in Hrabohrada, Fara, Trkh, and Dozortse for an elected constitutional assembly. While such protests have been ongoing since January, these reports have caused significant portions of the people to lose confidence in the provisional government. According to pollsters at the Mbruk Inquirer, the proportion of Izhitsans with a positive opinion of their government has dropped from 54% to 39% in the past month alone. The largest changes have occurred in Ved and Dzelo, which saw the worst of the fighting during the civil war, with approval in Yach barely dropping.
At the head of the protests are the usual suspects and one unlikely candidate. Vladen Korzhef and Yana Novachkova are keynote features at the protests, denouncing the provisional government for suppressing Izhitsa’s democratic tendencies. However, more surprising is the participation of Yakub IV, the Archbishop of Dzelo and delegate to the Dochasny Rada. While he hasn’t publicly stated any details, Archbishop Yakub decries the lack of progress made by that assembly and blames a lack of democratically elected leadership, which he says “takes away any chance that the constitution will be written with the people in mind on the people’s timetable.” Archbishop Yakub is the first member of the Dochasny Rada to publicly criticise that assembly.
Some protestors are also demanding that the provisional government release private food hoards that they believe certain government figures have kept for themselves. While these rumours seem to be unfounded and sometimes contradict each other, they have a certain appeal in a nation whose nobility has, during times of plague or famine, done exactly that, particularly in Shta and Kher, where food is already difficult to grow.

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Re: Izhitsan News Networks
« Reply #14 on: July 08, 2020, 06:10:05 AM »

07 July 2020

The following is a transcript of a call received by satellite phone by our Achkaerinese correspondent Yonash Reza. Please be patient with the slow pace of reporting, as this is a developing situation.

Amalie Tsitrova: Yonash, you there?

Yonash Reza: Of course it’s me. What’s going on? The website’s down, I haven’t heard anything from you in two weeks, Ludmila hasn’t heard from you either, I keep getting a dial tone when I call—

Svatopluk Yarashovo <to Tsitrova>: And… we’re… on! Yes! Good God, I can’t believe it. We’re back on the air. How are things looking over there, Amalie?

A. T. <to Yaroshovo>: Satellite broadcast is up and running. <To Reza> I’m not sure exactly how, but Izhitsa got hit with a massive power outage just as Kamil Yanoshek tried to crown himself king.

Y. R.: Hang on, what?

A. T.: Well, he said he was going to, wasn’t he? Look, I’m really busy here, so I need to step away from the phone, but I’m just going to keep the broadcast going through the phone. Do you have your recorder on?

Y. R.: I do now, ma’am.

A. T.: I’ve sent a server to your apartment. It has a backup of the website, along with all the written permission you’ll need to move it to an Achkaerinese web host.

Y. R.: I don’t know how to—

A. T.: You’ll do what I say, Yonash, or the paper goes down with you. Now, if you’ll excuse me, I have more important things to deal with. I’m connecting you to the radio broadcast now. Stay on the phone until the broadcast ends.

Y. R.: What— Ma’am— Hello?

<A loud click noise>

S. Y.: —and I hope things are going just as peachy for you folks back home. What? Oh, okay. For those of you just joining us, this is our first radio broadcast since the power outage began, just as Kamil Yanoshek staged an attempted crowning in the former king’s palace. There’s a lot of rumor going around right now about the last few weeks, so as per usual I’d like to help set the record straight.

Reports are… spotty right now. Izhitska Ednota set up barricades in the stree—Oh, sorry?

Unknown voice: Security checkpoints. Not barricades.

S. Y.: Uh, not the right time, Mr. Otsel.

Unknown voice: Don’t worry about it, Mr. Yaroshovo. Svatopluk. Can I call you Svatopluk?

S. Y.: I—

Unknown voice: Thanks Svatopluk. Remember. Security checkpoints. There’s been a lot of tension lately and we want the people to be as safe as possible. Carry on.

S. Y.: Uh… don’t mind him, listeners. Mr. Otsel is our new political officer—

Unknown voice: Your new Izhitska Ednota correspondent.

S. Y.: He’s been helping us in the newsroom as part of a—

Unknown voice: Aid program from the party.

S.Y.: They hooked us up with electricity, and in return they—

Unknown voice: We’re hoping to help you keep writing world-class news with help from your newest correspondent.

S. Y.: Yeah. Sure. Well, due to the security checkpoints, our news coverage is a little spotty right now. We don’t know anything for certain, but here’s what we think we know.

The power failures seem to be a part of an organised campaign of some kind. On June 29th, someone targeted our power stations—all our power stations—all at once. Well, maybe not all. I’ve heard that some parts of Shta were largely unaffected, but well, that’s small comfort to the rest of us.

We were broadcasting live at the time. Yulia Tancheva was reporting from Kamil Yanoshek’s attempted coronation at the former king’s palace. There was a lot of shouting about how ‘the deadline’s past due’ and other nonsense. Just as police began arriving, the power cut out in Hrabohrada, and it cut out soon after in Kherhorod. We’ve received reports that the timing was similar across the country.

<Silence, for a bit.>

Folks, I’m scared. There has been rioting, fighting in the streets. The highways are completely shut down. So much for all that road building they’ve been talking about this year. I haven’t even heard from Yulia since the power went out. You know i don't like to speculate but there’s something bad going on here. I don;t know if it’s the monarchists, the Tamorans, or God forbid the nationalists again, but I’m afraid we’re all just being taken along for the ride.

Uh, it looks like… yes, we’re going to be taking a short… thirty minute intermission, and then as more of you get electricity back we’ll fill you in on the details. Does that sound good? Oh, hell, I know you can’t talk back. See you in a few.

<A suite by Yaroslav Yezhek begins playing just as the broadcast is cut>
« Last Edit: July 08, 2020, 02:44:16 PM by Izhitsa »

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The Great Izhitsan Blackout: What We Know
« Reply #15 on: July 17, 2020, 10:45:05 PM »

The Great Izhitsan Blackout: What We Know
Aydril Adel
17 July 2020

In the public interest, this article is viewable online for free. For more reliable reporting from a Yachese perspective, be sure to subscribe for as little as ₽600 per month.

In what is already being called The Great Izhitsan Blackout, most of Izhitsa suddenly lost power for more than a week starting on June 29th. While speculation is understandably rampant, real information has been slow coming. Was it really a nationalist attack? Is it true that some parts of Izhitsa weren’t affected? Why did it happen just as Kamil Yanoshek attempted to crown himself? Here’s what we know.

1) What caused the blackout?
This is the one thing about the power outages that seems to be completely clear. They were caused by simultaneous attacks on power stations across Izhitsa. These attacks varied greatly in style and extent of damage. In Trkh, where the power was only just recently restored to the city, a bomb caused the complete collapse of a power station, but in Tureno, a fire set to a power station caused far less damage, repaired in just over a day.

2) Who perpetrated these attacks?
No group has claimed responsibility for the attacks, though investigators from both Yach and Izhitska Ednota are looking into several possibilities. As the attacks occurred simultaneously, there is good reason to believe that they were caused by an organised group. Suspicion has been immediately drawn to the missing nationalist fighters, who are certainly great enough in number to pull off something like this, but no direct evidence has been made available to the public.

3) Why did the blackout begin just as Kamil Yanoshek attempted to crown himself?
As the perpetrators are unknown, motives cannot be determined for certain. Yanoshek did not announce his attempted coronation until the night beforehand, which makes it seem unlikely that there is any connection between the two events, unless members of the Izhitsan Monarchists were involved.

4) Did the blackouts affect all of Izhitsa?
No. Some power stations in Shta and southern Yach were not attacked. In addition, security guards in Karam, Kher, managed to repel an armed assault in the local power station, killing two of the attackers and putting the other three in critical condition. The surviving attackers were handed over to local police, and await questioning upon recovery.

5) How has the provisional government reacted to this?

Soon after power was restored in Tilhuitnah, a spokesman from the Yachese People’s Party released a statement saying, “These attacks demonstrate just how necessary it was to delay our elections until security could be assured.” Izhitska Ednota and the Yach Governate are both treating this as a major security threat, and have begun ramping up policing, with security checkpoints placed throughout several major cities as well as major highways.
Power has been restored to most of Izhitsa, but security at major power and water facilities has been ramped up considerably. Trkh and its immediate surroundings remain largely without power. Proposals are in place to put up memorials to the roughly 350 people who died in the attacks, including 54 who died in the collapse of Trkh Power Station.

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Re: Izhitsan News Networks
« Reply #16 on: October 20, 2020, 11:03:52 PM »

Sekkura Mona Draws Controversy For Supporting Kopsje Religion Law
Amestan Kabir
20 October 2020

During a press conference on an economic stimulus bill now in debate in Yachese Parliament, Sekkura Mona raised eyebrows with her answer to a question on recent legislation passed in Kopsje. The law bans the practice of religion by children under the age of 13, and as well as any public display of religious symbols.


During the press conference, a reporter from the Abakha Independent asked her about her opinion on the Kopsje law. Her press secretary immediately took the podium and said that she was not there to discuss the small Northern Ocean nation, but Mona nudged her assistant aside and answered the question anyway. She expressed support for Kopsje Parliament, saying, “It’s alright to do religion in the privacy of your own home, but it’s not right to practice it right in front of someone’s children.” Her words were a deliberate echo of remarks by Conservative MP Alesh Ludovich about a 2018 bill she sponsored which would have legalised gay marriage in Yach.

Her words sparked immediate backlash from her fellow MPs. The Conservatives denounced the statement as “a classic Leftist move to devalue Orthodoxy in public life.” The Liberals and Social Democrats issued a joint statement saying that freedom of religion has always been an important part of Izhitsan heritage. Perhaps the most unexpected criticism came from Mona’s own party. Areksim Brabets, her fellow anarchist in Parliament, criticised the law as “fascistic, and the complete opposite of what we should try to achieve in Izhitsa.”

However, the statement didn’t only draw ire. Isid Rahaman, a G’ua Yach MP, argued, “Religion has long played a role in the oppression of Yachese people by Izhitsans. It’s no coincidence that the Unionist parties have all come out to support it against those who speak truth. This is just another example of Rus oppressors attempting to legitimise their perpetual crusade.”

Mona, a member of the anarchist party Platform, rose to Parliament from Abakha in 2015 on the slogan “No Gods, No Masters.” Since then, she has been a controversial figure, alienating a significant portion of her fellow MPs—but polls indicate that this has only strengthened her popularity in her home district. She is expected to be re-elected in the next Yachese elections sometime next year.

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Exclusive: Dochasny Rada at Standstill Ahead of November 30th Deadline
« Reply #17 on: November 19, 2020, 01:08:11 AM »

Exclusive: Dochasny Rada at Standstill Ahead of November 30th Deadline
Amestan Kabir
18 November 2020

Several sources within the Dochasny Rada, who all requested anonymity, have confirmed that despite ten months of debate, there is still little work done on their proposed constitution for Izhitsa. These sources, who come from across the political spectrum, say that gridlock has made it nearly impossible to agree on the text of the document which is to be revealed to the nation on November 30th. Some even blamed High Lord Antek Dzhavid and Chairman Matvey Karamovo for deliberately creating an assembly which would be unable to form a consensus on basic issues of government.

The assembly, hand-picked by Karamovo and Dzhavid, consists roughly of 20% Yachese People’s Party, 23% Izhitska Ednota, 25% Liberal Party, 23% Conservative Party, 6% Social-Democratic Party, and 3% unaffiliated delegates. Sources within the Dochasny Rada say that this has made it impossible for agreements to be made about things as basic as the status of Yach in Izhitsa, the method of choosing representatives to Parliament, and the extent to which the government should take care of its population. “The Liberals won’t agree to anything other than unicameral proportional representation, while the Conservatives won’t take any plan that doesn’t include a second legislature,” one source said. “Meanwhile, Shaab Yach won’t agree to anything until the Yachese are guaranteed quasi-independence, and the Communists don’t seem to be interested in voting at all. It’s impossible.” Other sources confirmed these sentiments, and added that there seemed to be little interest from the upper echelons of the provisional government in completing the constitution at all.

The Dochasny Rada was meant to work in secret to prevent outside pressure from impacting the resulting Constitution. As a result, none of the party leaders contacted by the Inquirer seemed to be aware of the troubles brewing in the Rada. Yana Novachkova, leader of the Social Democrats, declined an interview on the subject, saying, “I’d like some time to confirm this with my members who are part of the Rada. A situation like this is beyond the need for secrecy.” Vladen Korzhef, leader of the Liberal Party, offered a brief comment. “This only confirms what I’ve been saying all along. A constitutional committee that’s not run by the people will inevitably fail to give the people what they want. Now, if you’ll excuse me, I need to make a number of phone calls. Yes, that’s on the record.”

The Conservative Party, Yach People’s Party, and Izhitska Ednota declined to comment on the situation.
« Last Edit: November 19, 2020, 01:40:43 AM by Izhitsa »

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Anti-Dochasny Rada Protests Turn Violent
« Reply #18 on: November 23, 2020, 12:06:47 AM »

Anti-Dochasny Rada Protests Turn Violent
Svatopluk Yaroshovo
22 November 2020


Protestors stand outside the former king's palace, shouting for the guards to move aside.

After news broke Wednesday of a standstill in the Dochasny Rada, protests against the appointed constitutional committee have been renewed—with a new turn. In several city centers, violence has broken out, targeting government buildings and even harming several aid workers.

While reports of a standstill in the Dochasny Rada have yet to be confirmed by the Truth, the news has spread like wildfire. The Inquirer report has reprinted in as many as 50 independent journals across Izhitsa, many of which added their own embellishments. As a result, protests have begun independently in every major city from Assif Ushaa to Kherhorod.

On Friday, in Hrabohrada, where tensions run highest, a mob stormed the former king’s palace, the current governmental heart of the city, and demanded to be let in to view the Dochasny Rada. When the guards refused, protestors surrounded the palace, shouting slogans overnight and refusing to allow any of the officials or workers there to leave. By the next morning, the outside of the palace was covered in graffiti, with local police forces unable to cope with the massive throngs of people.

Meanwhile, in Tilhuitnah, police detained a group of anarchist agitators, both Izhitsans and Yachese, who attempted to kidnap High Lord Dzhavid on his way to work. They accused Dzhavid of deliberately harming the constitutional process in an attempt to take control of Izhitsa under an authoritarian regime.

By Saturday, unrest had spread across the nation, and not just because of the constitutional committee. A protest in Assif Ushaa for Yachese independence was met by batons and water cannons from the local police after they began fighting with a pro-isolation protest on the next street over. Anti-communist protestors in Dozortse killed an Izhitska Ednota official. A group of rioters in Trkh looted an aid distribution center, trampling several aid workers, two of whom remain in critical condition at the time of writing.

The riot in Hrabohrada still remained strong by Saturday night. Around 8:35, a small fire started in the north part of the former king’s palace, scaring off most of the rioters. However, nearly 200 stayed, attempting to block emergency services from entering the block. These were arrested by Izhitska Ednota Partisans after considerable resistance. Police are still on the lookout for the perpetrators of the fire.

The proceedings of these last few days beg the question: Is it worth keeping the activities of the Dochasny Rada secret? The secrecy of the constitutional committee was meant to keep away public pressure, but all it has done is allow uncorroborated reports to cause unrest. And if the reports are true, then those delegates could use all the public pressure they can get.
« Last Edit: November 23, 2020, 01:28:39 AM by Izhitsa »

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Long-Awaited New Izhitsan Constitution Passes the Buck
« Reply #19 on: December 02, 2020, 12:28:50 AM »

Long-Awaited New Izhitsan Constitution Passes the Buck
1 December 2020
Aydril Adel

Following widely reported gridlock in the Dochasny Rada, it seems that the last two weeks have seen a flurry of negotiation and back-room dealing in an effort to get something passed—but the end result isn’t likely to impress the provisional government. The document, which was released yesterday, reads as follows:


The Second Constitution of the Federation of Izhitsa
as decided by a majority of delegates to the Dochasny Rada, 30 November 2020

WE, the undersigned, in order to perfect the union between the constituent regions of Izhitsa, hereby set forth this document, which will serve to guide the people of Izhitsa into a new dawn.
WE hereby reject the authority of an unelected assembly to determine the future of this nation, and condemn any attempts to force the people of Izhitsa to accept rule to which they do not consent.
IN order to set forth a united nation, unbeholden to any one man or idea, dedicated to the betterment of Izhitsan society, national elections will take place on 8 January 2021 in each of the constituent regions of Izhitsa. Each region will elect 30 delegates to a Federal Assembly, except for the Grand Duchy of Ved and the Yach Governate, which will receive 40 delegates to acknowledge their population and size.
THE election is to take place according to the pre-war laws of the region. Where electoral districts are used, districts may be combined as long as each combined district is contiguous and no resulting district is 20% larger in population than any other.
THE first role of the Federal Assembly is to debate and draft the new constitution of Izhitsa, which will be submitted for ratification by each constituent region of Izhitsa on 26 July 2021.
THE second role of the Federal Assembly is to legislate, according to majority rule, binding legislation for all of Izhitsa.
TO pass into law, this document is to be ratified by the majority of five elected representatives from each constituent region, to be chosen by vote on 18 December 2020.
HENCEFORTH, the Dochasny Rada is disbanded, and may do no legislative work.
LET it never be said that Izhitsans allowed themselves to submit to warlords and tyrants.


The constitution created by the Dochasny Rada is a profound rejection of the role placed on the delegates over the previous year, one which many felt was unjustly given. Without creating a new permanent government for Izhitsa, it mandates the creation of a constitution by elected delegates.
As the document was read out to anti-Dochasny Rada protestors in front of the former king’s palace late yesterday evening, the crowd rose up in celebration, eventually dispersing to local bars and pubs. The event was widely viewed as a victory for those who felt that the Yach Governate and Izhitska Ednota had taken the country into an anti-democratic direction. That a constitution was passed at all is widely considered to be a result of weeks of protest.
A spokesman for Izhitska Ednota, when asked whether the party would accept the constitution, said, “There is no question that the Dochasny Rada has not performed as expected. However, we do feel bound to accept its ruling in this case.” They declined to comment on the transfer of power between the provisional government and the new Federal Assembly, saying that it was a matter to be determined at a later date.
The document was passed as a result of tense negotiations between Liberal, Conservative, and Social-Democratic delegates, who, finding inherent flaws with the Dochasny Rada itself, took it upon themselves to create an elected constitutional committee without breaking any of the rules set by the provisional government.
Despite the victories won on Monday, many of the people involved with the new constitution have expressed fears that it will not make it into law. Vladen Korzhef, Liberal Party leader and key player in the negotiations, commented, “Our greatest fear now is the ratification process. From the beginning, the provisional government has refused to give us the time we need to have this ratified in time for national elections. I suspect they might try to interfere with the election process, or at least stall it. Our brightest days are now ahead of us, but only if we fight for them.”
« Last Edit: July 25, 2021, 09:39:45 PM by Izhitsa »

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Izhitsan Federal Assembly Passes First Article of Izhitsan Constitution
« Reply #20 on: February 03, 2021, 05:31:58 PM »

Izhitsan Federal Assembly Passes First Article of Izhitsan Constitution
Aydril Adel
02 February 2021

The gridlock that plagued the Dochasny Rada in its unfortunate year of existence seems to have dissipated, as the Federal Assembly has successfully passed an article concerning the national legislature of the new Izhitsan republic. While the exact wording of the article will remain secret until the finished constitution is revealed, multiple sources within the Assembly indicate that the legislature is to be modeled on Yachese Parliament. It will be unicameral and elected by partly by proportional representation and partly through single transferable vote, and headed by a separately elected prime minister. In addition to legislating for the whole of Izhitsa, it will have the sole power to raise troops and regulate foreign and inter-region trade.

What does this mean for the Federal Assembly?
While this success is a notable contrast to last year’s aborted attempt to write a new constitution for Izhitsa, it is unlikely to assuage the Federal Assembly’s many detractors, who claim that election interference from Izhitska Ednota have created an assembly that is unrepresentative of Izhitsans as a whole. While it is still a major victory for the assembly, it remains to be seen whether this momentum can be sustained, and whether Izhitsans will accept the result. The Federal Assembly has 20 days left to finish the new Izhitsan constitution before revealing it to the world.

Why is Izhitska Ednota accused of election interference?
While elections to the assembly were intended to be performed under pre-war laws, there are reports that Izhitska Ednota have departed significantly from this mandate. In Ved, where voters are required to vote at their locally assigned polling station, citizens complained of being routed from one polling station to the next, before finally giving up the attempt altogether. In Dozortse, several voters reported that armed men with prominent Izhitska Ednota badges were placed outside polling stations, ostensibly to provide security. The results of this campaign of interference can be seen in the election results, where notoriously conservative Ved and Shta have elected a significant number of Izhitska Ednota delegates, despite the party’s failings in other parts of the country.

Izhitsan Federal Assembly Election Results
Izhitska EdnotaLiberal PartyConservative PartyG'ua YachShaab YachSocial-Democratic PartyIzhitsan MonarchistsPlatformIndependentsTotal
Yach5231514001040
Ved1191300430040
Dzelo214500800130
Kher207300000030
Shta171600330030
Total553330151415611170

This has led to Izhitska Ednota becoming the largest party in the Federal Assembly, with more delegates than the 5 smallest parties combined. We reached out to a party spokesman for comment but have received no answer as of this time. While there is a clear case that the party’s actions broke the rules set out by the second constitution of Izhitsa, the response has been relatively subdued. With only about 32% of the Federal Assembly’s seats, and as a pariah in the political community, the party is only able to pass legislation with the cooperation of at least one of the other parties, which it is unlikely to get.

What do the election results mean for Izhitsa?
The political implications of this election cannot be ignored. First of all, the poor performance of Izhitska Ednota in the regions not under its control bodes poorly for the party’s future in a normal federal republic. In Dzelo, the party was even outperformed by the Social-Democratic Party, whose decision not to join Izhitska Ednota when it was formed at the beginning of the civil war was said to be a career-ending move for many of its members. In addition, the Conservative Party remains strong despite its former association with many nationalist leaders, who left the party to form Izhitsa for Izhitsans in the 1990s. While it remains to be seen how much of this is a reaction to communist government in eastern Izhitsa, there is no doubt that the Conservatives will remain a force in Izhitsan politics for some time.
In Yach, the election seemed to display a significant decline in popularity for Shaab Yach, as the Yachese regionalist party saw its first defeat in a major election in decades. Losing votes sharply to G’ua Yach, the most prominent of the Yachese republican parties, Shaab Yach’s leadership is likely revising its electoral strategy for the coming elections. Izhitsan List chose not to contest these elections, instead advising its supporters to vote for one of the larger parties. This is what likely led to the gain in seats seen by the conservatives, who usually perform poorly in Yachese elections.
Perhaps the most intriguing event in these elections was the election of Sekkura Mona, the anarchist Yachese parliamentarian from Abakha, to her seat in the Federal Assembly. This indicates that her popularity is not merely restricted to her home district, but to a surprisingly large portion of the southwestern Yachese electorate. It also makes her the only known anarchist in the history of Mundus to have participated in the creation of a constitution for a federal republic. Whether this popularity will translate to nation-wide electoral success under the new constitution remains to be seen.
« Last Edit: June 27, 2021, 11:00:56 PM by Izhitsa »

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Gypsum Magnate Launches Bid For “World’s First” Lunar Landing
« Reply #21 on: April 24, 2021, 04:43:01 AM »

Gypsum Magnate Launches Bid For “World’s First” Lunar Landing
Viktor Prokovo
23 April 2021

Speaking today from his Assif Ushaa estate, Kulam zi Amarmadin, head of Izhitsan Gypsum, spoke to the press today about a bold new initiative, funded by his company: Mundus’s first lunar landing. When questioned about history’s many previous lunar landings, including initiatives by Rokkenjima, Tytor, Achkaerin, and East Moreland, zi Amarmadin explained his belief that all previous lunar landings had been faked by their respective governments to control their populations. “It’s simple science,” he said. “Luna is a full 150 million kilometers away from Mundus. Do you seriously believe countries like Tytor could have reached it with 1970s-level technology?” As Luna is only about 384000 kilometers from Mundus, a journalist from the Mbruk Inquirer asked if zi Amarmadin had confused Luna with the Sun. He answered by accusing the journalists present of  “buying into Occidental conspiracies,” walking offstage.
Despite a seeming lack of preparation on the part of its leader, Izhitsan Gypsum seems earnest in its intentions to bring Izhitsa into the space age. Company documents acquired by the Truth indicate that Izhitsan Gypsum has been hiring Izhitsans with astrophysics and aerospace engineering qualifications for some months. In addition, it has been buying facilities in Tafuri, a village southwest of Assif Ushaa, for the construction and launch of rockets. Local authorities have welcomed the additional jobs brought by the company, but have expressed concerns that the quixotic initiative could drive Izhitsan Gypsum under. “It’s not that Izhitsan Gypsum isn’t a rich company,” said Anazar Sharif, Tafuri’s mayor, “but this just seems like a dream from a mad aristocrat, you know? I wouldn’t want them to waste so much money trying to reach space that the whole region suffers.”
In a statement issued after the press conference, Izhitsan Gypsum explained the business model for its new venture. In essence, their goal is to provide inexpensive space launches for countries or businesses that cannot afford the services of the space agencies and private space corporations of wealthier nations. How this would be achieved was unclear. Despite this, Izhitsan Gypsum says it has already received investments from several interested private citizens, including at least one foreign investor. The entire statement can be read here.
Only time will tell if the new venture is successful, but in Tafuri, the mood is optimistic. Standing next to a stall selling “space trdelnik”, Meriem Kazar, a local business owner, expressed hope for the project. “Of course it’s mad!” she said. “But after seven years of war, just for once, I’d like to believe that we can do something like this. If we can blow each other up for years and years, we can go to the damn Moon.”

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Interview: Uzna Dzhalali Returns Triumphant From Jugland Ladies’ Tour
« Reply #22 on: July 20, 2021, 03:37:37 AM »

Interview: Uzna Dzhalali Returns Triumphant From Jugland Ladies’ Tour
Ondrey Leoshivich
19 July 2021

In an interview with Kherhorod Sports Hour host Ondrey Leoshivich, Uzna Dzhalali talked about the Jugland Ladies’ Tour and the future of her team, Ednotnost.

Ondrey Leoshivich: I’m Ondrey Leoshivich, welcome back to the Kherhorod Sports Hour. With me this morning is Uzna Dzhalali, Yachese cyclist, and if I’m not mistaken, you’ve just come back from Jugland with some exciting news!

Uzna Dzhalali: Oh, but I’m sure your listeners have already heard.

Don’t be so modest! We want to hear it straight from the horse’s mouth!


Alright, then, well, I’ve just come back from the Jugland Ladies’ Tour. And, as I’m sure you all know, I came back first.

And they’ve even given you a fancy new pink jersey for it, I see.

Well, it’s a bit visual for radio, but I figured I should at least try to look the part even if no one can see it.

And right you are, too. So, now that you’ve completed your second international competition, how do you feel?

Fantastic, Ondrey. We went into our first one, the Tour de Alba Karinya, fairly unprepared. Most people don’t know this, but on the day we arrived, we didn’t even know where the events were after the first one. And we didn’t have translators, either. We ended up using Dima’s, sorry, that’s Buredima Salehi, one of our riders, we ended up using her high school English to get around.

Bet she felt great about that.

Oh, of course. By the third day she came back with five little English phrasebooks she wrote down on some paper from the hotel office. She told us, “If you ask me to say one thing for you that’s on this list, I’m leaving on the next flight to Tilhuitnah.” I still remember the English for “please,” “thank you,” and “drink.” This time we were a lot better though. Not only did we know where we were going, but we knew what kind of terrain to train for and had a rough idea of how to pace ourselves for the race.

And it looks like it paid off, too. Now, I’ve heard some criticism about the team itself, seeing as it finished seventh out of nine overall in the race. Looking forward, are there any plans to improve the team’s performance as a whole?

Of course, Ondrey, there always are. Some of us are going to the Mundus Games soon, too, so we’ve been really looking at our training and seeing what we can optimise. And of course we’re always improving our pacing. I think we’re really going to see some great things at the Games this year.

Can’t wait to see it! Now, I seem to remember, between your Alba Karinya race and the Jugland Ladies’ Tour, you gained a new rider, right? How has that changed the team dynamic?

Well, it’s more accurate to say we replaced a rider. Kve’ta had to step down from racing because of her knee. So we had to shop around for a new recruit. In the end, we went with Sava Fayedenka. There were faster racers who applied, but we try to stay committed to supporting youth in racing, and it seemed right to replace Kve’ta with another rider from Shta. That said, we still see Kve’ta around. In fact, we see her every day, now that she’s one of our coaches. It still feels like old times, it’s just that Kve’ta can’t ride anymore.

Now, this last question is a request from one of our listeners, who asks, “what’s it like to be a woman, especially a Yachese woman, in cycling?”

Ah, yes, this question. Well, if I had to answer that I’d say it’s nice to be an inspiration to young Yachese women looking to take up the sport. I hope that one day one of them will be sitting in a chair like this and won’t be asked questions like that by men who don’t believe women belong in sport. Because that’s what questions like this are really about.
Oh, but other than that, it’s fantastic. If you’re ever having a bad day, go out on the street and train. And flip off joggers while you’re passing by. It’ll make all your troubles go away.

Well, that’s all we have time for today. That was Uzna Dzhalali, winner of the Jugland Ladies Tour, and soon-to-be Mundus Games medal winner.

Oh please, you’re too kind.

After the break, we’ll be discussing the latest baseball news and Mundus Games rumors. Stay tuned.

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Izhitsan Constitution Passes Federal Assembly, Referenda to Follow
« Reply #23 on: July 26, 2021, 03:47:16 AM »

Izhitsan Constitution Passes Federal Assembly, Referenda to Follow
Aydril Adel
26 July 2021

Following months of secretive work, the Federal Assembly has now finished drafting and has passed an Izhitsan Constitution suitable for legislative work. The constitution has been printed and disseminated to newspapers, radio networks, and city centers across Izhitsa as the country awaits the referenda that will determine if it will come into force.
According to the rules of the Federal Assembly, the document had to be approved by the majority of delegates present from each constituent nation of Izhitsa, something which proved extremely difficult to achieve. President of the Yachese delegation, Garmul Salek, told the Inquirer, “In the end, it was clear that G’ua Yach wasn’t going to accept anything short of Yachese independence, and were prepared to see the whole constitutional process fail in order to achieve it. We ended up having to peel off two Izhitska Ednota delegates to get a majority.”
The constitution, in its final form, met with broad opposition from Izhitska Ednota, who claim that it lacks sufficient protection for workers. “There are no guarantees of basic human rights in this document,” said Mariana Klechalova, a spokesperson for the party. “They expect that the right to organize and the right to free speech will keep the workers fed, housed, and secure. Well, let me tell you this. Izhitsa has had these rights enshrined in law for decades, and they sure as hell didn’t help us in 2013.”
Despite party opposition, many Izhitska Ednota members defected from the party line and supported the constitution in the end, citing a need for effective central government. These defections were critical in Kher and Shta, where IE delegates made up a majority of votes. Even with the defections, the vote only narrowly passed from these two delegations because the vote was held without several of their members present. Izhitska Ednota has accused the Federal Assembly of deliberately holding the final vote unexpectedly and without alerting the delegates not present, who were away for party meetings in their home constituencies. When questioned about this by the Inquirer, Vladen Korzhef, Liberal Party leader and president of the Federal Assembly, said, “It was their decision to be away from the action at what they knew would be the final moments of our work. When the assembly moved to hold the final vote, they weren’t there to object. There is no legitimacy in the claim that there was anything unfair or unexpected about our actions.”
The Federal Assembly aims to hold referenda on the new constitution by the end of September, following a campaign of education on the document. However, because legislative power was not effectively transferred to them as stipulated in the Second Constitution, the Assembly is dependent on the political will of Yach and Izhitska Ednota to hold referenda in the areas under their control. A more potentially sticky issue is that of Ved, where Izhitska Ednota and Yach have split the constituent nation in half. Commentators worry that disagreements on how the elections are held could lead to two differing results.

The full text of the new constitution can be read below:
Spoiler: show

Constitution of the Federation of Izhitsa

Preamble
We, the duly elected Representatives of the People of Izhitsa, assembled by the grace of God and the will of the People, do set forth this constitution to secure Peace, Liberty, and Prosperity, now and forever, to all those in our domain.

Article I - The State
1) The official name of the Izhitsan state is the Federation of Izhitsa.
2) The Federation of Izhitsa is a Federal Republic consisting of the Constituent Republics of Ved, Kher, Dzelo, and Shta, as well as the Autonomous Republic of Yach.
3) The Government of the Federation is divided into four branches: The State Rada, or Legislative Branch; the Presidency, or Executive Branch; the Supreme Court, or Judicial Branch; and the Oversight Office, or Auditorial Branch.
4) Citizens are those to whom all rights, responsibilities and privileges outlined in this document apply.
5) A Citizen of Izhitsa is defined as one who has
(a) had citizenship conferred upon them by being born to an Izhitsan Citizen, within or without the nation’s borders,
(b) has taken an oath of citizenship after residing legally and permanently for a period of five years within Izhitsan borders and passing a citizenship exam,
(c) is the descendant of at least one (1) Izhitsan grandparent or two (2) Izhitsan great-grandparents and has filed an intention to return to their ancestral home, or
(d) has performed a great service for the nation and been granted citizenship by a simple majority vote of the State Rada and assent of the President.
6) No person of Izhitsan origin may be deprived of their nationality.
7) The Federation of Izhitsa is founded on the principles of popular sovereignty and promotion of general welfare. The government is to protect the People’s rights to life, liberty, equality, peace, and prosperity.
8) The federal government shall have the power to
(a) levy taxes and borrow money for the funding of government activities for the general welfare of the state,
(b) regulate commerce within and without the state, including such methods as chartering businesses and developing transportation networks,
(c) regulate currency,
(d) promote the scientific, cultural, and educational development of the nation,
(e) develop, maintain and regulate a force for national defense,
(f) regulate and protect elections,
(g) establish foreign relations,
(h) and enforce the rules set forth in this Constitution.
9) Powers not given to the federal government are given to the Constituent Republics and Yach.

Article II - The Legislative Branch
1) The Legislative Branch, or State Rada, is the highest legislative organ of the state.
2) The State Rada is composed of Representatives, half of which are National Representatives, and half of which are District Representatives.
3) National Representatives represent the interests of the Nation, and are elected from a national party-list proportional vote, using the D’Hondt method.
4) District Representatives represent the interests of their constituency, and are elected through a single transferable vote in their electoral district.
5) The State Rada is headed by a Prime Minister, nominated by the President and approved by the Representatives.
6) The Prime Minister is the Head of Government, with all of the rights, powers, and responsibilities that come with that title, as established by law.
7) If, after 90 days in power, the Prime Minister fails to create a government, or if their government fails due to a vote of no confidence, the State Rada may elect a new Prime Minister within 30 days. If the deadline passes with no new government, or at the request of the State Rada, the President must select a new Prime Minister.
8) The State Rada, under the leadership of the Prime Minister and with the consent of the President, has sole prerogative for declarations of war, for budgets, and for taxation. No money may be expended without the consent of the Rada except as stipulated in the Constitution.
9) At regular intervals and at least once per year, the State Rada is required to submit a budget for review by the President and the Oversight Office. If a budget runs its term but no new budget has been passed, the Executive Branch may continue running as if they are on the lapsed budget.
10) The term of office for Representatives is four (4) years, however, if the State Rada is dissolved, the term shall be terminated before the full term is up.
11) Business cannot be transacted unless 40% or more of total membership is present. All matters shall be decided by a majority of those present, except as elsewhere provided in the Constitution. In case of a tie, the President shall decide the issue.
12) The State Rada has the right to dissolve itself and hold new elections with the consent of two-thirds of its members.
13) When the State Rada is dissolved, there must be a general election of members of the State Rada within forty days from the date of dissolution, and it must be convened within thirty days of the election.
14) The Citizens of an Electoral District have the right to recall the election of their District Representative in a manner defined by law.
15) Except in cases provided by law, Representatives shall be held exempt from apprehension while the Rada is in session, and any Representatives apprehended before the opening of the session shall be freed during the time of the session upon demand of the Rada.

Article III - The Executive Branch
1) The Executive Branch, or Presidency, is the highest administrative organ of the state.
2) The Presidency is headed by the President, who is the Head of State and represents Izhitsa in all foreign affairs.
3) The President is selected by a national single transferable vote. Their term of office is five (5) years.
4) The President has supreme command of the land, sea, air, and space forces of the state. However, ultimate power to make war and declare peace lies with the State Rada.
5) The President, with the consent of the State Rada and the Oversight Office, must appoint a number of Ministers to preside over Ministries aiding in the administration of the state. These Ministers make up the Cabinet. The Cabinet and the Ministers make up the Presidency. The organisation of these Ministries shall be decided by law.
6) The Presidency shall meet regularly, no less than once per month, to discuss matters of importance and share information across departments. The President may also call extraordinary meetings with any or all of their Cabinet at any time.
7) The President may, in accordance with law and with the consent of the Oversight Office, appoint and fire civil servants and military officials.
8) The President has the power to confer state honors, as well as grant amnesty, pardon, and commutation of sentences.
9) The President may veto legislation passed by the State Rada. This veto may be overridden by a two-thirds vote by the State Rada.
10) The Presidency has the duty to present a report of its administrative policies to the State Rada at regular intervals, at least once per year. If the Rada does not concur with one of their policies, it may, with the consent of two-thirds of its members, force the President to change that policy or resign from office.


Article IV - The Judicial Branch
1) The Judicial Branch, or Supreme Court, is the highest judicial organ of the state. It has the power to interpret the Constitution and unify the interpretations of laws and orders from lower courts.
2) The Judiciary is the court of highest appeal in all domestic matters, and shall be the final authority in all cases that come before it.
3) The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Judge and a number of judges as determined by law.
4) Judges are appointed by the President with the consent of the State Rada.
5) The appointment of the judges of the Supreme Court shall be reviewed by the people at the next general election of members of the State Rada following their appointment, and shall be reviewed again at the next general election of members of the Chamber of Deputies after a lapse of ten (10) years, and in the same manner thereafter.
6) In cases mentioned in the foregoing article, when the majority of the voters favors the dismissal of a judge, they shall be dismissed.
7) Judges may be removed by public impeachment or if judicially declared mentally or physically incompetent to perform official duties.
8) All judges are independent in the exercise of their conscience and shall be bound only by this constitution and the laws. Judges may not act under partisan influence or in cases which represent a conflict of interest.
9) The organization of lower courts is to be fixed by law.

Article V - The Auditorial Branch
1) The Auditorial Branch, or Oversight Office, is the highest auditorial organ of the state. It has the power to audit, censure, and impeach all public officials and civil servants.
2) The Oversight Office consists of one Auditor for every one million (1 million) Izhitsan Citizens. Auditors are appointed by the President with the consent of the State Rada, and remain in their post for six years.
3) No one who has run for partisan office or held authority in a political party may be appointed as an Auditor. Auditors may not hold other public office or engage in any private profession.
4) The Oversight Office, may, on the basis of its investigations and the resolutions of its sub-committees, submit policy proposals to the Presidency and to the State Rada. It may also submit criminal charges to the Supreme Court if a government official is deemed as having neglected their duty or violated the law.
5) The Oversight Office, or its deputies, runs and certifies all partisan elections in the state. In case of election irregularities, the Oversight Office has the right to recommend criminal investigations to the Presidency and order elections to be rerun in any affected constituencies.
6) Every ten years, the Oversight Office shall perform a census of the Izhitsan population, and devise electoral districts, each representing about one hundred thousand (100,000) Citizens.
7) In the course of its work, the Oversight Office may demand the presence and testimony of witnesses, as well as the production of records.
8) At regular intervals and at least annually, the Oversight Office shall provide the government and the public with a report on the state of the nation’s finances.

Article VI - Rights of the People
1) The Federation of Izhitsa exists to protect the People’s rights to life, liberty, equality, peace, and prosperity.
2) The state may not restrict the right of the People to the freedom of speech, of assembly, of petition, or of the press.
3) All workers have the right to organise and collectively bargain with their employers.
4) The right to personal property is inviolable.
5) All Citizens are equal under the law and there may be no discrimination in political, economic or social relations because of poverty, race, creed, sex, social status or family origin.
6) The right of every adult Citizen to elect their representatives in a fair, universal, and secret vote may not be abridged.
7) In order to propel the development of the state, all Citizens have the right to ordinary education. No policy may be enacted that restricts access to education on the basis of any protected status.
8) No person may have their life or liberty violated except as established by law.
9) Every Citizen has the right to fair and speedy trial under the law for whatever charges may be directed at them; the right to trial by a jury of one's peers may also not be abridged.
10) Every Citizen has the right to petition a judge or jury member to recuse themselves in case of a conflict of interest, and has the right to appeal to higher courts.
11) No person on trial for any charge at any level is required to testify against themselves, or to make any statement that could be taken as evidence against themselves.
12) No confession made under compulsion, torture or threat, or after prolonged arrestor detention is admissible in evidence.
13) No person may be held criminally liable for an act which was lawful at the time it was committed, or of which they have been acquitted, nor may they be placed in double jeopardy.
14) The infliction of torture and cruel or unusual punishments are absolutely forbitdden.
15) No person acting in a public capacity may be held responsible outside of their public office for opinions expressed or votes cast in their public capacity, except as established by law.
16) All Citizens have the right to set up political parties and participate in partisan politics except as forbidden elsewhere in the constitution.
17) The enumeration of certain rights in the Constitution does not preclude the existence of other fundamental rights not listed here.

Article VII - Federal and Local Governments
1) The Izhitsan state is organised into Municipalities, Counties, Provinces, and Constituent Republics in accordance with law. Each of these bodies enjoys local self-government in matters pertaining to their own interests.
2) All Citizens have the same rights and responsibilities in every part of the nation. No level of government may enact laws that restrict trade or the free movement of people between different parts of the nation, except as stipulated elsewhere in the Constitution.
3) All adult Citizens have the right to elect representatives to legislative assemblies at all levels of their government.
4) The drawing of Provincial borders shall take place in the assemblies of the Constituent Republics, the drawing of County borders shall take place at Provincial assemblies, and the drawing of Municipal borders shall take place at County assemblies.
5) Governments at all levels of the state shall be governed according to constitutions and laws created with the consent of their people.
6) Powers not reserved to the federal government are given to the local governments.

Article VIII - The Status of Yach
1) The Federation of Izhitsa recognises the existence of Yach as an Autonomous Republic, with the sole power over trade, education, language, and culture within their borders.
2) In accordance with Yachese law, Yach may hold a referendum on its status within Izhitsa, and may choose to transition into a Constituent Republic, with the same rights and privileges as the other Constituent Republics, retain its current status, or transition into an Associated Republic.
3) As an Associated Republic, Yach would pull its representatives from the State Rada, and would no longer be subject to federal taxation or receive federal funds. Other than those powers required for defense, the powers assumed by the federal government would devolve to Yach.
4) After a period of fifteen (15) years as an Associated Republic, Yach may transition into full independence following another referendum in accordance with Yachese law.

Article IX - Ratification
1) Amendments to this Constitution may be initiated by the State Rada, through a concurring vote of two-thirds or more of all its members. Upon approval, it shall be submitted to the people for ratification, which shall require the affirmative vote of a majority of all votes cast thereon, including a majority of the population of Yach, at a special referendum or at such election as the Rada shall specify.
2) This Constitution will come into legal force if it is approved by a free and fair referendum in at least three of the five Republics of Izhitsa, including Yach. Thereafter, the Federal Assembly shall appoint the first Auditors and Judges, and hold timely elections to establish the State Rada. Upon this, the Federal Assembly shall disband itself.

« Last Edit: August 03, 2021, 04:02:09 AM by Izhitsa »

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Constitutional Interviews: Vladen Korzhef
« Reply #24 on: August 03, 2021, 03:58:06 AM »

Constitutional Interviews: Vladen Korzhef
Kenna Sladek
02 August 2021

As Izhitsa approaches a referendum on the new constitution, the Mbruk Inquirer is conducting a series of short interviews with the people involved in its creation. Fittingly, we have started with the man perhaps most responsible for its creation: Vladen Korzhef.

Kenna Sladek: I’m in Hrabohrada with a parliamentarian, scion of the Liberal Party, and some say, now the father of a reborn country. Vladen Korzhef, how are you doing today?

Vladen Korzhef: Well, I have to say that kind of praise is pretty hard to give an answer to. I’m just a public servant doing his duty to his country. And, oh, I’m doing fine. It’s another beautiful day to serve the people from our nation’s wonderful capital.

KS: Quite. Now, I understand you have a rather busy schedule as President of the Federal Assembly, so I won’t take up too much of your time. And of course, that’s where I would like to begin. Would you mind telling our readers a bit about what it was like to be in the room, trying to put a nation together with so many different kinds of people?

VK: Exhausting, that’s what! But that’s what makes this country great. We’ve always stuck together, even when all the odds have seemed against us. In the Federal Assembly, we had to balance everyone’s different viewpoints to create a fair system of government that protected our rights but left us our freedoms.

KS: I understand that many of the Federal Assembly’s members don’t feel that you effectively accomplished that goal.

VK: That’s true. Many of the delegates were not able to get their proposals approved in the final version of the constitution. For example, the primary demands of G’ua Yach were frankly impossible to implement, not in a united country. In any case, matters such as Yachese independence should be put up to a vote, not decided in a dark room. The principle should be self-determination, not paternalism.

KS: Couldn’t it be argued, then, that any provisions on the status of Yach in the constitution are inherently against the principle of self-determination?

VK: I don’t see it that way, since the constitution will have to be approved by Yachese voters before it can pass into Izhitsan law. If they reject it, then we can simply remove those provisions from the constitution.

KS: Now, drawing back to our earlier question, do you think Izhitska Ednota’s concerns have any base to them? Are workers adequately protected under this constitution?

VK: The members of Izhitska Ednota knows as well as anyone else that progress is slow and compromises have to be made. The nation may one day be ready for the kinds of rights they have been demanding, but for now it’s simply unworkable.

KS: Could you be more specific?

VK: Of course, you should really ask them that question. But as I understand it their main concern is that the constitution doesn’t guarantee things like housing, healthcare, water, food, things I agree all people should have, but are simply impossible to guarantee.

KS: Do you think there is any basis to their allegations that some of their delegates were deliberately excluded from the final vote?

VK: I’ve already commented on this, and those were my final words on the topic.

KS: Alright, moving on, many of our readers are curious about the four-branch governmental system set out in the constitution. Why create a separate Auditorial Branch?

VK: That’s something you should really ask Valdemar Strnef, the delegate from Solnitse. He was the mastermind of the idea. Basically, the premise boils down to this: The government must be responsible to somebody. The Presidency and the State Rada cannot be expected to act without partisan bias, and the Judicial Branch cannot conduct its own investigations. So what else can we do but create a separate branch of government to hold them accountable? No other country has a fully independent Oversight Office, but we hope to pioneer this system of government for all to see.

KS: Do you think there’s danger in trying a new form of government that’s never been implemented before?

VK: It’s not as if we invented it for no reason. The theory is sound, and there’s no reason it should be any worse than partisan or monarch-run government auditing committees.

KS: I understand that several sections of the constitution are copied, verbatim, from the constitutions of other countries, including Arashkai, Tytor, and Achkaerin. Why is that?

VK: Ah, first the new, and then the old, I see. Many of our delegates were inspired by other countries, and that inspiration was sometimes very strong indeed. Despite this, the principles are sound, so why change them?

KS: Some readers have raised concerns that none of these countries are especially democratic. Wouldn’t a country more like Fleur be a better example for an aspiring democracy?

VK: Fleur is a very different country from Izhitsa, with a different culture. Our democracy doesn’t rely on monarchs like Arashkai or Tytor, but doesn’t turn our nation into a nation of politicians, either. It also creates a much stronger structure for government, more likely to weather political climates adverse to the existence of democracy, which as we all know is the most important thing a constitution could have.

KS: This question is one we’re asking everyone who signed the new constitution: Why should we vote yes when the referendum comes?

VK: It’s time to move on from military government. Our nation has stuck at a standstill since 2013, and this is our best hope to move forward, united.

KS: Now, this final question we’re asking all of our interviewees: Do you believe that the constitution will be signed into law?

VK: Frankly, I don’t know. I believe the Izhitsan people want this, and I believe that under a free and fair vote it would pass handily, even in Yach. But we’re frankly powerless to hold elections without the consent and oversight of military governors. Now, I’m not saying that Mr. Dzhavid and Mr. Karamovo haven’t been… doing their best, but they have adverse incentives. I just don’t know.
« Last Edit: August 03, 2021, 04:08:43 AM by Izhitsa »

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Constitutional Interviews: Sekkura Mona
« Reply #25 on: August 07, 2021, 03:55:47 AM »

Constitutional Interviews: Sekkura Mona
Kenna Sladek
06 August 2021

As Izhitsa approaches a referendum on the new constitution, the Mbruk Inquirer is conducting a series of short interviews with the people involved in its creation. Today, we spoke with perhaps the most surprising participant in the affair: Sekkura Mona.

Kenna Sladek: I’m in Abakha with a radical, provocateur, and Yachese Parliamentarian. Love her or hate her, you can’t deny she’s made an impact. Sekkura Mona, welcome.

Sekkura Mona: Thank you, Mrs. Sladek.

KS: Now, I understand that as far as we know, you are the first anarchist in history to have participated in the creation of a constitution for a federal republic. How does that make you feel?

SM: Well, my colleagues in the Federal Assembly might quibble with your use of the word “participate”, but I’m proud that the working class had at least one real representative at the table.

KS: As an anarchist, how did you approach your efforts in the Assembly?

SM: Let’s be honest, it was clear from the start that the other delegates were never going to work with me. They only let me in because they had no choice. This meant, of course, that I could pretty much do or say whatever I wanted. They allotted time to each delegate for every debate, so I gave them a full education on anarchist governmental theory over the course of the year.

KS: Was your party happy with this? I mean, presumably, the other members of Platform might have expected you to actually try to win some policy goals.

SM: I’m not saying I didn’t do anything, Mrs. Sladek. Article VI, Section 6 only passed by one vote. One vote. These people would have written voting restrictions into our constitution if it hadn’t been for one person who refused to compromise. I think, overall, my constituents will be unhappy with what we got, but I think they also know what it’s like to live in a society that believes their ideas are unreasonable and unworkable.

KS: Moving on, I was surprised that you continued to be a member of Yachese Parliament while at the Federal Assembly. While this sort of thing is technically legal under Yachese law, it’s very rare and almost universally frowned upon. What was your thought process going into this? How did you balance your duties in both assemblies?

SM: To be honest, I definitely wouldn’t do this again. It’s exhausting, and virtually impossible to do properly. It’s a long commute from Tilhuitnah to Hrada, so I would usually only travel when there was a vote coming up. And then there was making sure I had copies of all the bills up for debate in both assemblies, and finding time to read them between sessions. It got so I had to pass off my regular work with the party to some of the other members so I could stop working 80-hour weeks. I don’t know who else you were thinking of who’d done this sort of thing before, but I bet they didn’t get anything done.

KS: Well, one of them was Imar Abid, the most quickly-recalled politician in Yachese history, so I would say that on balance you’ve done well, given the circumstances. In fact, our sources show you managed to participate in 95% of the votes in the Federal Assembly and 80% of the votes in Yachese Parliament during this time, which is better than a significant portion of parliamentarians in general.
Given your experience in the Federal Assembly and with balancing your political workload, do you think Izhitska Ednota has good cause to complain about their delegates not being able to attend the final vote on the constitution?

SM: Well, first of all, that’s a weird way to segue into this topic, but yes, to be honest, I do think they have good cause to complain. This was the only vote we had that was held in the same meeting in which it was approved. It wasn’t technically breaking any Assembly rules, but it was damn devious of Mr. Korzhef to call the vote like that. And I’m certain that he did it on purpose to make sure that it would pass. Now, do I disagree with what he did? That, I’m not so sure. There has never been a better time for a revolution in Izhitsa, with no unified leadership, no real constitution, and no real government. But frankly, I’m more scared of what would happen if we lost a revolution now than anything that could happen under the new constitution.

KS: I hope you don’t mind me asking this next question, then, as we’re asking it of everyone who didn’t sign the constitution: Why should we vote no when the referendum comes?

SM: If you’re going to vote no, do it for the same reason I did: Because we, the people, can get better than what they gave us. What they gave us is government designed to be dominated by bourgeois power funnels with the money to set up party apparatus and buy up journalists—no offense. We can show them that we want government by working people, made up of unions of small, local councils instead of centralised, disconnected government by a ruling class.
But don’t vote no if you just want to see Izhitsa burn under a new revolution. Revolution is what they have in Shta and Kher, and what’s changed for working people there? Nothing.

KS: Do you believe the constitution will be signed into law?

SM: Maybe. Maybe not. But a better question is what happens afterward. The territories of the state are explicitly defined in the constitution. What happens if, say, Kher, doesn’t want to join? That’s the question we should be asking if we want to know the true character of this new government.

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Police Firebombing in Zapadni Pokhod Destroys Station, Injures One
« Reply #26 on: August 17, 2021, 04:14:56 AM »

Police Firebombing in Zapadni Pokhod Destroys Station, Injures One
Tadeush Marek
16 August 2021

Late last evening, during the city’s scheduled blackout, three assailants lit a petrol bomb at a precinct house in Stary Mlyn, a neighbourhood in the city’s south. The bombers, who were smashed in the door, despite the fact that it was unlocked, and threw a lit petrol bomb inside.
Gabriel Kamilovich, the officer manning the house for the night shift, was just coming back to the front desk from the restroom at the time of the explosion. He is now recovering from serious full-body burns and smoke inhalation in Pavlo Radimich Memorial Hospital. He identified the bombers as three men, dressed all in black and wearing balaclavas, one of whom carried a sledgehammer.
Local police are baffled as to the reasons for the attack. Ondrey Vladanovich, Zapadni Pokhod Chief of Police, said, “This frankly doesn’t seem like something anyone local would do. Not everyone around town likes having the police around, of course, so we get the odd graffiti and all that. But coordinated arson? I don’t think so.” When pressed about whether he had any potential leads, Vladanovich said, “Look, I don’t want to spread fear where there isn’t any danger, but I’ve called the Kontrazvedka[1]. There’s good reason to believe it’s an act of terrorism.”
While the Zapadni Pokhod Fire Department was able to prevent the fire from spreading, the precinct house, a historic building from 1825, collapsed soon after firefighters arrived on the scene. The fire was extinguished at about 3:30 AM.
Investigations into the attacks are still in early stages. Police are searching for any clues as to the identities of the unknown arsonists. If you have any information, please call their tip line at 575-556-793.
 1. The Izhitska Ednota Counterintelligence Service
« Last Edit: August 17, 2021, 04:29:48 AM by Izhitsa »

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Opinion: Pharaoh Must Keep Momentum to Bring Real Change
« Reply #27 on: August 24, 2021, 12:57:01 AM »

Opinion: Pharaoh Must Keep Momentum to Bring Real Change
Kve’ta Mlynova
23 August 2021

There are many reasons to doubt the sincerity of Pharaoh Akasha Di-‘nh-mi-Re in her apparent efforts to rid her nation of indentured servitude and bring Clysperis, kicking and screaming, into the 21st Century. Her moves to ban the practice of indentured servitude and formally join the Uppsala Convention come just after her open invitation to sovereigns around the world to tour her newly rebuilt city of Setri. Akasha is certainly anxious to attract investment and redefine the international perception of her country, which has been marred in the past by the Clysperi Civil War.
Certainly, statements from Daito and Fleur seem to indicate that at least a few foreign observers find little faith in Akasha’s intentions. In the latter example, this may be a case of sour grapes, as they are known to have supported the rebels in the civil war and have frequently clashed with the Pharaoh. Fleur is also one of the main state proponents of allegations of war crimes committed against the rebels by Akasha-allied forces.
However, the Pharaoh seems to have been ingenuous in her pronouncement. The measure was formally approved by the Assembly of Nomes, and reports of arrests of illegal slaveholders have shown up in independent media. These measures to both legitimise and enforce her ruling seem to show a monarch anxious to portray herself as a People’s Pharaoh.
Despite this, while she tries to make herself appear progressive to the rulers of the Occident, she continues her familiar pattern of pandering to the real owners of her nation. Not the Achkaerinese, mind you, who hold mere military power, but the bourgeoisie. In May, she announced a law requiring 50% worker ownership for Clysperi businesses. Despite her acknowledgement that worker cooperatives create growth just as well as bourgeoisie-owned businesses, she carefully avoided granting workers a controlling interest in their own production. Likewise, in her latest pronouncement, instead of acknowledging that so-called “indentured servitude” has always been a crime against humanity, she gave the owning classes a reward for their exploitation: signed checks for the money that they would have extracted from their slaves.
And herein lies the problem: Akasha approaches real change, but does not pursue it. Despite the obvious injustice done to Clysperis’s indentured workers, it is their oppressors who gain reparations. No support is offered to the flood of new workers re-entering the wage economy, who now not only must overcome the stigma of their recent indentured status, but also compete with each other for the jobs they just left. With such intense competition brought about so suddenly, there is no reason for their former owners to pay them more than starvation wages and bring them back into quasi-slavery, an effect which could ripple out to other Clysperi workers as well.
Now, this is not to say that these efforts haven’t had a good effect for workers. Any amount of positive change is still a positive change. But in order to bring about widespread, real change in the lot of her poorest, Akasha must keep pushing for her people, rather than granting concessions to their owners.

Kve’ta Mlynova is the Chairwoman of the Tureno Soviet and former editor of the Worker’s Voice.

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Yach To Hold Constitutional Referendum October 9-11
« Reply #28 on: September 25, 2021, 10:11:10 PM »

Yach To Hold Constitutional Referendum October 9-11, General Elections to Follow
Aydril Adel
25 September 2021

Yachese Parliament announced today a decision to conduct a referendum on the new Izhitsan constitution over the weekend of October 9 to 11. However, the eastern regions of Izhitsa, under the control of Izhitska Ednota, will not be participating in this round of voting. The referendum will be conducted under standard Yachese election procedures. Antek Dzhavid, High Lord of Yach, says this comes after weeks of failed negotiations with the party on the practice and conduct of the referendum. “Izhitska Ednota continues to demand unreasonable concessions, such as reducing the voting period to a single day, or requiring previous registration to vote. Such measures are unprecedented in Izhitsan history, and could potentially disenfranchise wide swaths of people.” Instead, he says, Yach has chosen to unilaterally conduct the referendum on their own, under the auspices of the Federal Assembly, the de jure provisional government. Vladen Korzhef, president of the Federal Assembly, said of the decision, “It’s simply something that has to be done. The only way to force Izhitska Ednota to conduct a free and fair election is to show Izhitsans that it can be done—is being done, in their own country.”
Izhitsans and Yachese can vote by going to a polling station at their nearest public school, city hall, or police station with valid photo ID, or by filing an affidavit witnessed by another person who has known them for over two years and can provide their own documents. Yach is also allowing those currently living in territories controlled by Izhitska Ednota to vote in Yach-controlled territory by displaying their Izhitska Ednota ration card. These votes will be counted for their place of residence, which is displayed on their card. According to Korzhef, “This is necessary in order to force those who would keep us in chains from cutting out our voices completely. The people of Kher and Shta will be given the chance to vote, no matter what.”
Izhitska Ednota, when reached for comment, claimed that Yachese electoral procedures have the potential to introduce widespread fraud. “The Yachese know that ID can be easily faked, and they also know that hostile agents could exploit long voting periods to interfere with results,” said Matvey Karamovo in a press conference. “Their referendum is designed to be rigged. They claim to be acting in favor of democracy, but their attempts to confuse voters in Eastern Izhitsa and their refusal to grant concessions to Izhitsa’s workers clearly show otherwise.” When asked when Izhitska Ednota would be holding their own referendum, he said, “Now that the Yachese have shown their true colors, I don’t think it will be long before we organise a real referendum.”
Regardless of the result of the referendum, Yach will hold a general election in their own territory three weeks later, on the weekend of October 30 to November 1. The elections had been delayed in June 2020 and again in June 2021 due to fears of nationalist violence, which Yachese officials say, nearly two years after the last major nationalist army surrendered to Izhitska Ednota forces, are no longer a concern. Dzhavid expressed hopes that this next election would be a national one. “Regardless of who wins that election,” he said, “it’s time to have a real government again. I have loved serving the people of this country, but I also have made no secret of my support for this constitution, and it is my hope that October 30th will be remembered as the first election of the Izhitsan Republic.”
« Last Edit: September 26, 2021, 02:23:42 AM by Izhitsa »

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Re: Izhitsan News Networks
« Reply #29 on: October 12, 2021, 05:46:40 AM »

Election Committees Begin Counting Referendum Ballots
Uzna Ozerova
11 October 2021


Election committee members count votes at a Trkh community center.


As voting drew to a close this evening, election committees organized by the Yach Governate under the auspices of the Federal Assembly began counting the votes that would determine the fate of the new constitution. Initial results show a slight edge for the anti-Constitution camp, but officials caution that the election is likely to be very close and more than 95% of the votes are yet to be counted.
Exit polls from Yach and Ved remain in the margin of error, but polls from Dzelo indicate strong support for the new constitution, mirroring their representatives in the Federal Assembly, who were the most strongly in favor of advancing the legislation to the referendum. Polls of residents of Shta and Kher were the strongest in favor of the new constitution. According to Ladislav Vladich, an election expert who monitored the polls, this is likely due to a difference in motivation. “Only those really strongly in favor of the new constitution, who didn’t care about any potential repercussions from the communist government or even their family and friends, would have come all the way from Kherhorod or Dozortse just to cast one vote,” he said. “I understand the principle in inviting those people to come and vote, but I worry about the unintended consequences of this decision, particularly for these people who live under a government that’s not explicitly against the vote, but is vocally campaigning against the constitution.” Despite assurances by Izhitska Ednota that they would hold their own referendum, plans for that vote have not yet materialised.
The ballot counters are under the vigilant watch of both poll watchers and Yachese intelligence, who are on the lookout for both election mishaps and violent political actors. According to an internal source, a large number of polling stations, particularly in Tilhuitnah and Trkh, have received letters from anonymous senders threatening attacks ranging from mass shootings and bombings to chemical releases if the vote counting continues. Several of the letters also contain Izhitsan nationalist rhetoric, including claims that the new constitution is a Yachese attempt to subvert the Izhitsan people. When contacted about the threats, various Yachese intelligence officials downplayed the potential for violence, emphasising that the poll counters are being protected by military, police, and intelligence officials, and that any threat would be quickly neutralised. “This is our first free election since the end of a horrific civil war, so of course there will be some with strong opinions about it,” said Masar Hadi, an official overseeing the protection of Tilhuitnah ballot counters. “But rarely do people act on them, and even more rarely do they get through the kind of security net we have set up. No serious violence occurred during the voting; I doubt anyone would try something during the count.”
The referendum results are expected to be certified within 10 days.