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Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« on: April 08, 2023, 04:46:24 AM »
Index
Chapters
    Chapter I - Pre-Ōnishi Daitō (Pre-1000 BCE)
    Chapter II - The Choshi Period (1000 - 600 BCE)
    Chapter III - The Kofun and Aramashi periods (600 - 74 BCE)
    Chapter IV - The Asago, Kōka, and Otawara Periods (74 BCE - 710 CE)
    Chapter V - The Saijo Period (710 - 793 CE)
    Chapter VI - The Heijō Period (793 - 1185 CE)
    Chapter VII - The Otsu Period, the Ardian Wars, and the Kanpō Restoration (1185 - 1358 CE)
    Chapter VIII - The Horikawa Period (1358 - 1475 CE)
    Chapter IX - The Sengoku Jidai (1475 - 1609 CE)
    Chapter X - The Hagi Period (1609 - 1853 CE)
    Chapter XI - The Bakumatsu Era and the Boshin War (1853-1871 CE)
    Chapter XII - The Keiō Era to the Ardian Continental War (1871 - 1914)
    Chapter XIII - The Ardian Continental War and the Late Keiō Era (1914 - 1932)
    Chapter XIV - The Early Kunan Era (1932 - 1939 CE)
    Chapter XV - The Greater East Ardia War, Part One: The War Abroad (1939 - 1945 CE)
    Chapter XVI - The Greater East Ardia War, Part Two: The War At Home (1939 - 1945 CE)
    Chapter XVII - The Greater East Ardia War, Part Three: Final Days of the War (1939 - 1945 CE)
    Chapter XVIII - The Late Kunan Era, Part One: Reconstruction and Economic Growth (1945 - 1982 CE)
    Chapter XIX - The Late Kunan Era, Part Two: Politics and Society in the Kunan Era (1945 - 1982 CE)
    Chapter XX - The Late Kunan Era, Part Three: The Kalasinese War (1967 - 1977 CE)
    Chapter XXI - The Eikō Era (1982 - 2001 CE)
    Chapter XXII - The Antei Era (2001 - 2020 CE)
Appendices
    Appendix I -
Note: Where contradictions between the appendices and the primary chapters exist, unless otherwise stated in writing, the former shall be deemed as canon.
« Last Edit: January 24, 2024, 04:44:36 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #1 on: April 08, 2023, 06:10:44 PM »
Chapter One — Pre-Ōnishi Daitō
I. — Paleolithic Daitō


Clockwise: Aoya Cave inscription (c.15kya), "Mammoth Hunt" display, Shinkyo Museum of History, Paleolithic stone axe-heads, Handprint paintings in the Shoba caves, c.45kya)
   The lands that make up the modern Empire of Daitō, as well as surrounding regions within East Ardia, have, as archaeological evidence suggests, been inhabited by early hominids by around 2.25 million years ago. However, the earliest evidence of modern humans—that is to say, Homo Sapiens—dates back to between 110,000 and 80,000 years ago, with said evidence coming in the form of fossilized teeth which were discovered in the Shiromizu cave near Yusuhara in Otobe Prefecture. Some of our earliest information about these pre-Ōnishi and even pre-Yezo peoples can be found in such caves, most notably coming in the form of their artwork and their tools, although fossilized remains are also occasionally found.

   Perhaps the most notable of these sites is the Shoba cave system, which has been inhabited on and off since around 50,000 years ago This site includes numerous cave paintings, including what archaeologists believe to be one of the earliest forms of figurative art, that being representations of several animals as well as mixed human-animal beings drawn with dark-red pigments. Another scene shows several humanoid figures attached by either ropes or spears to a large water buffalo. These paintings were examined via uranium series analysis and found to be around 43,000 years old.  Most notably however, not only for its historical significance, but also its significance on a more personal, human level, is another piece of art. On a wall deep within the Shoba cave system’s Makido cave, one can find numerous paintings of handprints. Dated to around 45,000 years ago, they represent likely some of the oldest known cave paintings on the planet, a seminal moment captured forever in time.
Quote
   Many theories abound as to what these handprints are meant to represent, whether they are a part of some ancient religious belief, an attempt to ward off evil spirits. What is clear, however, is that this represents an attempt by our ancestors to reach out beyond their own lifetimes, to say that they existed. I would argue that this alone is significant, and I suppose that in a way, they succeeded in being remembered by future generations, although their names are, of course, lost to time.”
   — Dr. Naoko Shibusawa, Keiō University

   Finally, at Aoya Cave within this complex is a striking bit of painting, that being a set of geometric patterns roughly in line with one another. Dubbed the “Aoya Cave Inscription”, it has been dubbed by some as a form of proto-writing, although this is admittedly questionable owing to it being the only of such inscriptions to have been found. Rather, it may be more apt to consider it an early experiment with writing, its meaning, if it ever had any, lost to the sands of time. Indeed, rather than being an example of proto-writing, it could instead show a sort of transitional period between these cave paintings and proto-writing, although that too is uncertain. What is certain is that the Shoba caves remain one of the most significant prehistoric sites on Mundus.
II. The Dogū Period (16,000 - 1000 BCE)

Eponymous "Dogū", for which the period is named
   The Dogū period (土偶時代, Dogū jidai) is the time between 15,000 and 1000 BCE during which Daitō, as well as large parts of the northern coast of the Rokkenjiman Sea, was inhabited by a diverse hunter-gatherer and early agriculturalist population united through a common culture, which reached a considerable degree of sedentism and cultural complexity. The name "earthenware figure" was applied to the culture in reference to their peculiar statues, translated into Ōnishi as Dogū. Another characteristic of Dogū culture was their style of pottery, at least in early phases, which was decorated by impressing cords into the surface of wet clay and is generally accepted to be among the oldest in the world. The Dogū period was rich in tools and jewelry made of bone, stone, shell and antler; pottery and vessels; and lacquerware.
IIa. Chronology
   The approximately 15,000 year Dogū period is conventionally divided into the several phases: Incipient (15,000 - 10,500 BCE), Initial (10,500 - 7,000 BCE), Early (7,000 - 5,250 BCE), Middle (5,250 - 3,470 BCE), Late (3,470 - 1,750 BCE), and Final (1,750 - 1,000 BCE). The fact that this entire period is given the same name by archaeologists should not be taken to mean that there was not considerable regional and temporal diversity; the time between the earliest Dogū pottery and that of the more well-known Middle Dogū is roughly twice as long as the span separating the building of the Great Pyramids from the modern day. Dating of Dogū  sub-phases is generally based primarily on ceramic typology, and to a lesser extent, radiocarbon dating.
IIb. The Dogū people

Comparison of Dogū (left) and Choshi (right) faces based on skull fragments
   The relationship between the Dogū people and modern Ōnishi, Satsunese, and Yezo is not well clarified. Morphological studies of dental variation and genetic studies suggest that the Dogū people were rather diverse, while other studies of autosomes and imunoglobin alleles suggest that the Dogū people were of predominantly northeast and central Ardian origin. The contemporary Ōnishi descended from a mixture of the various ancient hunter-gatherer tribes of the Dogū period and the Choshi rice-agriculturalists, and these two major ancestral groups came to East Ardia over different routes at different times. The Dogū people were not one homogenous ethnic group. It is generally believed that the Dogū people are an admixture of several Paleolithic populations, with it being suggested that Y-chromosome haplogroups C1a1 and D-M55 are two of the Dogū lineages.

   A study conducted by researchers at Tottori University found specific gene alleles, related to facial structure and features among some Yezo individuals, which largely descended from local Hokuriku Dogū groups. These alleles are typically associated with Western Ardians, but are absent from most other East Ardians including the Ōnishi, which suggests geneflow from a currently unknown source population into the Dogū period population of Hokuriku. Although these specific alleles can explain the unusual physical appearance of certain Yezo individuals as compared to other Northeast Ardians, the exact origin of these alleles remains unknown. Recent Y-chromosome haplotype testing indicates that male haplogroups D-M55 (~30%) and C1a1 (5.4%) may reflect paternal Dogū contribution to Northeast Ardia. Analysis of the mitochondrial DNA of Dogū skeletons indicates that haplogroups N9b, D4h2, G1b and M7a may reflect maternal Dogū contribution to the Ōnishi gene pool.
IIc. Lifestyle
   Despite their origins as nomadic hunter-gatherers, the Dogū people had begun settling in large, complex villages and building crudely-roofed houses, known as "Tateana jūkyo" (pit dwellings) by the sixth millennium BCE. Their settlements were particularly numerous along the sheltered bays of the Rokkenjiman Sea, although they have been found further inland, often times along the shores of the region's many rivers and lakes. Throughout the Dogū period, settlements were often laid out with dwellings in a circular or horseshoe-like shape, with a central plaza or square in the middle. While normally, these settlements did not have more than 5-10 homes, there have occasionally been some discovered which reached as high as 100 or more, in effect appearing to be a sort of proto-city. Nonetheless, these should not be seen as indicative of the standard Dogū settlement, rather being relative outliers within the archaeological record.

   The Dogū were originally dismissed as being technologically primitive hunter-gatherers. While yes, they made pottery, they did so without a potters wheel; they had no agriculture, domesticated animals or metal-working, technologies which, by the end of the period, had existed in other regions for nearly two-thousand years. However, recent findings have cast doubt on such notions of their supposed primitivity, at least as compared to the region around them. Certainly, they never managed to coalesce into a unified state like the later Ōnishi, however, the discovery of six large holes with the remains of one-meter-thick wooden pillars in a Dogū site indicates that they did, at the very least, have the ability to construct large, sophisticated structures. Possessing the technology and the social organization to move and raise large pillars has traditionally been regarded as beyond the means of hunter-gatherer societies.

   Perhaps more notable, however, are recent findings of copper and even bronze artifacts within later Dogū settlements. Said artifacts, which include tools and jewelry, do not line up with the styles used by the early Ōnishi, instead pointing to the Dogū, by the late third millennium, beginning to experiment with metallurgy. Of course, these tools were rudimentary and scarcely used as weapons, standing in contrast to the Choshi, who were, in many ways, masters of metalworking. While more research is necessary, this suggests that the view of the Dogū as a primitive people is, in large part, incorrect and must be reconsidered.
IId. End of the Dogū Period
   Eventually, as is the way of the world, the Dogū period came to an end with the arrival of the Choshi—ancestors of the modern Ōnishi—from lands far to the west. It is generally believed that these Choshi shared a common ancestry with the modern-day Lijiangian and Juhin people, however, there is still some academic debate as to whether they were a single group or rather a mix of settlers from the west and natives from Azukishima and the Ardian Peninsula. What can be said, however, is that they soon overtook the Dogū, who had already begun dying out, and became the dominant people on the northern coast of the Rokkenjiman Sea by the 7th century BCE.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 09:54:10 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #2 on: April 09, 2023, 04:21:14 AM »
Chapter Two — The Choshi period (1000 - 600 BCE)
I. — Overview of the Choshi period


Clockwise: A king typical of the early Choshi period, Bronze Mirror (c.731 BCE), a typical early Choshi period village, Dōtaku bell (c. 693 BCE)
   The Choshi period is often seen as the final era of pre-history in Daitō or the beginning of written history in the country, marking a transitional period between the Dogū and Kofun periods. Despite it beginning in 1000 BCE, it should be noted that the Choshi—that is, the early Ōnishi—first began to arrive in East Ardia a little over a century prior, during a time of significant upheaval across the continent. The period, which lasted approximately 400 years, is named for the Choshi neighborhood of Shinkyō, where archaeologists first discovered artifacts and features of that era in the late-19th century. Distinguishing features of the period include new Choshi pottery styles, improved carpentry and architecture, and the start of an intensive rice agriculture in paddy fields. It also saw the widespread adoption of ironworking by the 800s, with bronze and copper being relegated to ceremonial objects such as mirrors and bells. The Choshi period also saw the early development of a writing system, however, as records prior to 600 BCE are limited, the period is still deemed by some to be pre-historic, though attitudes have changed in recent times.

   During the Choshi period, the Ōnishi of Daitō were divided into numerous different statelets, with allegiances being based on the concept of the "Uji", or "Clan". Such clans frequently rose and fell from power over the centuries, slowly consolidating into rival powerbases. Some of the most notable of these polities were Chikushi, Ito, Matsuro, Tsumako, Kokushi, and Yamatai, the last of which would, in the subsequent Kofun period, unify the Ōnishi of Daitō and form what would become the Empire of Yamato, later known as Fusan and eventually, Daitō.
II. — The Choshi people

Artist's conception of a Choshi-era religious practice
   The Choshi were certainly a distinct people from the Dogū whose lands they came to inhabit, however, their exact origins are somewhat uncertain. While evidence suggests a link to the Lijiangians and the Feng, skeletal remains from Azukishima in Rokkenjima dating to around the start of the period also line up with these proto-Ōnishic peoples in East Ardia. This could mean that either the Choshi were entirely a migratory people from central Ardia or that they were, in effect, a number of peoples who, over centuries of living among one another, slowly became virtually indistinguishable. For our purposes, however, this distinction is largely irrelevant. Culturally, the Choshi bore many similar traits, such as their pottery, which, while artistically less advanced than the Dogū, was technically superior to it. Clothing of this period was simple, certainly in comparison to even a few hundred years down the line and certainly compared to the Heijō period and beyond.

   As writing was non-existent early on and then limited during this period, much about the Choshi is still unknown, with what we know of their rituals and way of life coming from artifacts. It is certain that they valued metalworking, as the many bronze Dōtaku ceremonial bells and mirrors, as well as iron weapons and tools, attest. It is quite possible that they viewed bronze as being valuable as a means of displaying ones wealth and status, as well as perhaps applying some form of ritualistic value to it, while Iron was more frequently used in day-to-day life. Throughout the Choshi period, society became more stratified and complex, and the population grew greatly, reaching nearly 2.4 million by the beginning of the Kofun period. The Choshi accumulated wealth through land ownership and the storage of grain, with such factors promoting the development of distinct social classes. It has been suggested, based on what limited sources from the period exist—almost entirely from within the last century of the period—that the people had tattoos and other bodily markings which indicated differences in social status.
III. End of the Choshi period
   Unlike the Dogū period, which was marked by the gradual replacement of the Dogū by the Choshi, the Choshi period came to an end in 600 BCE with the construction of the first Kofun-style tombs and the advent of written records. A notable "event" of the final century of the period was the legendary founding of the Empire of Daitō by the mythical Emperor Shin'ō. While it has been suggested that there may have been some historical basis for this individual, perhaps some ancient lord of the Yamatai polity, most historians do believe him to have never existed, instead noting Emperor Tengyō as the first Emperor of Daitō, although such a title would not exist until centuries after his death.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:00:19 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #3 on: April 12, 2023, 02:17:43 PM »
Chapter Three — The Kofun and Aramashi periods
I. — The Kofun Period (600 - 188 BCE)


Clockwise: A Kofun-style Tomb in Jōshū Prefecture (c.400 BCE), Haniwa Horse Statue, A Foot-soldier wearing Tankō-style armor (c.256 BCE), Emperor Tengyō
   The Kofun period (古墳時代, Kofun jidai) refers to two separate periods, depending on ones field of study. On one hand, it refers to the period when large, megalithic tombs known as kofun were built, that time period spanning from the dawn of the 6th century to the Taika Reforms of 647 CE. In a political and cultural sense, however, the period is much narrower, spanning only from the 6th century until 188 BCE, when historical records note the existence of the state of Yamato, which arose from the earlier Yamatai polity. The Kofun period, while noted as a period of turmoil among the Ōnishi, also marks the earliest political centralization in Daitō, when the Yamato clan—ancestors of the modern Imperial Family—rose to power in the Mutsu Inland Sea and southern Daitō as a whole, established the Imperial House, and helped to control trade routes in the region.

   This was a period of cultural import for the Ōnishi, being a time in which many important texts—aided by the introduction of a new writing system from abroad—were written, including Ono no Nagahisa's Military Method (軍事方法, Gunji hōhō) and early versions of the Kojiki and Fusō Shoki, which would in time come to lay out much of what is considered "Orthodox Teidō." It was a period in which much foreign influence, spread along overland trade routes to Lijiang, arrived in the polities of modern-day Daitō. However, trade was still intermittent in those days, owing in no small part to the frequent warfare among the various states, polities, and principalities of East Ardia. Such influences would only increase during the reign of Wakatarashihiko of Yamatai, later known as Emperor Tengyō, whose reign, which lasted from 231 to 188 BCE, would come to be known as the Tōitsu Jidai, or the "Unification period".
Ia. Kofun

Keyhole-shaped Kofun drawn in 3DCG
   Kofun, or "ancient tomb" in most mainland Ōnishic languages, are typically megalithic tombs or tumuli found in Northeast Ardia. Kofun were mainly constructed in what is now modern-day Daitō, replacing in large part the communal graves seen during the Choshi period, and were used to inter a single high-status person. They were constructed from the 6th century BCE until the mid-7th century CE, however, they saw their height of construction between roughly 540 and 107 BCE. These Kofun were typically shaped like a keyhole, however, there were exceptions. For example, the Tomb of Emperor Tengyō, the Kamiishizumisanzai Tomb near Mt. Haku in Kawachi prefecture, not far from his capital in Aramashi, was modeled on the city and included lifelike Haniwa figurines which differed from the traditional style seen in centuries prior. Said tomb perhaps differs from other Kofun so much that it should not be considered one, but rather, a style unto its own which has not been used elsewhere in Daitō. The use of Kofun largely disappeared with the arrival of Buddhism within the Empire in the 7th century CE.
Ib. Society in the Kofun era
   The Gōzoku—powerful non-royal rulers—of the Kofun period lived in sprawling yashiki residences encompassing multiple compounds and surrounded by moats, however, the common laborers continued to live much as they had in the previous Choshi period. One advancement in living conditions, however, was the introduction of the kamado stove. This stove was built into the walls of late Kofun-period homes and replaced the firepit of earlier eras, making cooking somewhat more convenient. One of the most important developments, although its use had been seen to a degree during the Choshi period, was the continued proliferation of iron tools, especially for farming implements such as hoes, spades, and sickles for harvesting rice.

   The religious devotion to nature from previous eras continued during the Kofun period as well, and religious events such as the kinensai, a spring festival praying for a bountiful harvest, and the niinamesai, a fall festival thanking the gods for said harvest, became cultural fixtures. Superstition-based events and rituals such as exorcisms, purifications, and divination rituals were also taken quite seriously during this era. Some of these divination rituals included burning the bones of deer and interpreting their ashes, the use of a rapan or "geomantic compass" for the purpose of fortune-telling, and an extreme practice known as kukatachi, which involved dunking one's hand in boiling water and interpreting the scarring. Shrines to the gods of nature as well as to the family guardian gods of the various clans began to be built all across Daitō, especially among the burgeoning state of Yamatai, and the various regional gods Daitō were slowly incorporated into that state's royal family's personal mythology to create a standardized narrative.
Ic. Rise of the Yamato

Yamatai polity, c. 350 BCE
   Among the myriad of states that resided among the many mountains, river-valleys, coasts, and plains of Daitō, none are more important in the grand scheme of the nation's history than that of Yamatai. Known among the Lijiangians, as "Wa" (倭, "Diminutive"), by the start of the Kofun period, it had grown to control the majority of the Mutsu, dominating it by the end of the 5th century. Rivalled by Matsuro to the southwest and Chikushi to the northeast, it would go on to be the predecessor to the modern Imperial state. But that was still centuries away, for in 600 BCE, it was but one state of many, and its future was still uncertain. At the start of the era, clans fought one another for power, often forming and dissolving alliances with one another as quickly as the changing of the seasons. Each of these aristocratic clans was ruled by a patriarch, the title often-times being passed from father to son, who would perform rituals to appease the clan's Kami, ensure the well-being of the clan, and lead it on military campaigns. By the Kofun period, these clans had evolved into states of their own, waging cruel war upon one another.

Emperor Tengyō overpowers a large, wild boar
   The Yamatai—henceforth referred to as Yamato—were no different. Hailing from the southeastern coast of the Mutsu and the Hōyo Channel, it was through their ability to form alliances with other clans and states, their use of steel, and their capability to marshal their people effectively that, by the time the future Emperor Tengyō came to power, Dai Wa, now written as 大和 ("Harmony") and known to history as Yamato, had come to dominate much of its region. However, Wakatarashihiko had ambitions far greater than merely dominating the Ōnishi of Daitō, instead wishing to forge under his rule a state on par with or even exceeding the strength of Lijiang and Phuebra. Thus, in 231 BCE, he declared himself not merely Yamato no kimi—Lord of Yamato—but Yamato Ōkimi (大和大王, Grand King of Yamato) and Ame-no-shita shiroshimesu ōkimi (治天下大王, "Grand King who rules all under heaven"), in effect, although the modern title would not come to exist until much later, declaring himself Emperor and invoking a divine right to rule.

   In the coming years, the new "emperor" began to consolidate his position in Daitō, pushing north along the Tataragi river to Lake Saiko, east along the coast of the Rokkenjiman Sea and across the Bekira river into modern-day Rokkenjima, and east into modern Ogata prefecture. His reign would see the settlement of the Satsunan Islands, whose descendants would go on to become the modern Satsunanese, alternatively known as the Amami or the Lewchewan. However, these conquests occurred early in his reign, which was noted more for the peace and prosperity which it brought to the people than it was for conflict; after all, many of the territories claimed during his reign were acquired not by war, but through deft diplomacy on the part of the Yamato. This is well known to historians as records indicate a sharp uptick in the number of births during the period according censuses, perhaps in some way a sort of prototypical "baby boom" akin to what was seen after the Great War.

   But like all men, Emperor Tengyō was a mere mortal, and he knew that fact well. Though he sought desperately a means of prolonging his life, inevitably dying in his pursuit of what is believed to have been mercury poisoning, he nonetheless ordered in 198 the construction of a grand mausoleum, a Kofun unlike any other, wherein, in the event of his death, he would be interred to rest forever more. Emperor Tengyō died in 188 BCE. His remains, as well as numerous artifacts from the period, are believed to be interred in the Kamiishizumisanzai tomb in Kawachi prefecture.
Quote from: The Emperor of Daitō: A Historical Study in Religious symbolism - Journal of Religious Studies, Keiō Univesity
   Despite her pure white robe of mulberry fiber, the warm evening, and the flaming torches, a shiver of pure ice rent the girl’s heart as she saw the mound which would be her resting place. But she steeled herself, the magatama charms which adorned her body rattling while she danced towards her destiny as a lady-in-waiting to her deceased master, ruler of Yamatai, King of Wa, Friend of Lijiang: Wakatarashihiko. Despite her fear and misgivings, the young girl’s heart brimmed with pride to fulfill this duty. There would never be another such as her dead King. Wakatarashihiko had woven a spell over Yamatai with kido magic. The sorcery had wrought peace where once there had been war, prosperity where once there had been suffering. The people loved him, yet none in a decade could set their eyes upon him, even the 1,000 men and women who served him were ignorant of his face. The King would admit only one person to his presence, his son. This man served him food and wine, and communicated laws and judgements to his flock.

   Wakatarashihiko’s greatest achievement, save only for the unification of the realm, had been sending diplomatic missions to far-off Lijiang and Phuebra and beyond with gifts of slaves, and the highly prized, strong cloth for which the King’s land was justly famous. In return, treasures, the likes of which had scarcely been seen before. Beads, silk, bronze mirrors, and most prized of all, swords, military banners, and an official seal pronouncing him “Friend and Ally of Lijiang”. Wakatarashihiko and his chief envoys were symbolically appointed to the highest ranks in the militaries of these far-off lands. His magic had extended across the seas and mountains and bewitched these foreign rulers into giving him their greatest honors.  With this recognition, all bowed before him, and Yamatai came to dominate the northern coast of the Great Sea. But as is the way of things, the Great King, now known as Emperor Tengyō, breathed his last, and the people of Yamatai raised a great mound, a tomb like no other, over his final resting place. 100 youths, maidens, and servants were selected to serve him until the end of time, and the young girl, shivering in the summer evening heat, was one. She danced on, past the crackling flames, into the great kofun mound, and on to the eternal afterlife.
II. — The Aramashi Period (188 - 74 BCE)

Empire of Yamato, c. 188 BCE
   The Aramashi Period (188 - 74 BCE) is a transitional period between the Kofun and Asago periods, during which the heirs of Emperor Tengyō further consolidated their rule over the northern coast of the Rokkenjiman Sea. It was a time of wealth and prosperity, during which time the Yamato kings, from their seat of power in Aramashi-kyō, ruled uncontested among the Ōnishi. However, not all would remain well in the Yamato court, as in the early 1st century BCE, a great plague ravaged the Empire, which prompted the court, believing Aramashi to be haunted by the restless spirit of Emperor Mimaki, to move to a new city: Asago. This process would take many years, starting in 91 and ending in 74 BCE owing to the need to build the new capital, as well as resistance from some within the court, a pattern which would be repeated multiple times in the first millennium. Eventually though, the move would be successful, thus beginning the Asago period.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 09:59:25 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #4 on: April 14, 2023, 08:49:25 PM »
Chapter Four — The Asago, Kōka, and Otawara Periods
I. — The Asago Period (74 BCE - 290 CE)


Part of Asago-Okadera Palace, c. 100 CE
   The Asago Period is the second of the four main eras of early Imperial history, marking the time between the reign of Emperor Ōjin (r.115-74 BCE) and the moving of the capital from Asago-kyō to Kōka-kyō in 290 CE. At the start of the period, during the reign of Emperor Kōbun, the Empire had begun to recover from the "Great Blight", believed now to have possibly been an outbreak of smallpox, which was recorded at the time as "having slain many scores of people." Nonetheless, the Empire quickly rebounded from this outbreak, beginning a new period of expansion throughout East Ardia. Emperor Kōbun was noted as a masterful tactician, a student of the classics, and a man with peerless ambition in his day, pushing the Empire beyond the Tanzawa mountains and into the Yamanori valley. However, as a mere mortal, he would die in 61 BCE, being succeeded by his grandson, Emperor Tenmu. Tenmu took after his grandfather in many ways, being a noted conqueror in his own right, however, his lasting legacy lay not in the battles he waged, but in the many investments into infrastructure and the arts that he made. Using silver mined in the Tanzawa and Ryōhaku mountains, he ordered the construction of a great many roads, as well as the first part a grand canal which would, in time, connect what is now Shinkyō to the Mutsu Inland Sea by way of the Watari river in Hatsukaichi. The Asago period would last until 290 CE, when the capital was moved once more to Kōka-kyō.
II. — The Kōka Period (290 - 592 CE)

Model of the Kōka Imperial Palace, c.310 CE
   The Kōka period, which spanned from 290 to 592 CE, is the third of four main periods in early Imperial history, marking the time when the Imperial Court resided in the city of Kōka-kyō (modern Koge). In some regards a transitional era between the Asago and deeply important Otawara periods, it saw the continued expansion of the Yamato state through East Ardia. This expansion included, by 408 CE, the establishment of settlements in what would in time become the modern Yoshimo Shogunate of Toshikawa, as well as continued expansion towards the Peninsula. Throughout the period, as would become commonplace, a great many people would serve as Emperor—fifteen in total—owing to the burgeoning practice whereby a ruler would not serve until his death, instead retiring from the affairs of state as a reign of ten or more years was seen to be more than enough, owing to the vast number of rituals performed. On average, an Emperor in this period ruled for fifteen years.

   Despite the continued expansion of the state, this was a period in which, by comparison to the earlier Asago and later Otawara periods, the average person was poorer owing to financial woes which plagued the state—debased coinage and an outbreak of smallpox being notable reasons—and reduced trade due to the policies of some Emperors during the period.
III. — The Otawara Period (592 - 710 CE)
IIIa. Overview of the Otawara Period

Clockwise: Pagoda of Hōki-ji Temple, Shitennoji Temple, Kurobe Shrine, Daibutsu of Otawara-dera Temple
   The Otawara Period (592 - 710 CE) was the final period of what is considered early Imperial history, marking the time when Buddhism was adopted by the Imperial court alongside the more traditional Teidō religion. The period was one of great cultural, social, and political transformation, a buildup to the Saijo and Heijō periods that would follow it. It was also a period of increased maritime trade and travel, both within the Empire and beyond, with Yamato mariners supposedly reaching as far as the Matilda channels and even, as some sources suggest, Lijiang, although the overland route remained more commonplace during this period. The period is not, as was the case for the previous periods, named for a city; instead, the name "Otawara" was originally used among scholars of the fine arts, and the capital during this period remained in Kōka until 618 before being moved to Sojo-kyō, now known as Taishi.
IIIb. Prince Kamitsumiya, the Ki clan, and the Adoption of Buddhism

Prince Umayado
   In 574, a child was born to Emperor Shunkan and Ki no Ohoyake, a Prince who, though he would never inherit the throne himself, would have a profound impact upon the Empire up into the modern era. Named Umayado-no-ōjî (厩戸皇子), he would, under the name Kamitsumiya Taishi (上宮太子), go on to serve as the regent for Empress Jinki, during which time he would exert significant influence over the court. A relative of the Ki clan, a branch of the Kazuraki clan, as well as an Imperial Prince, he was already afforded influence within the court and, by nature of his ancestry, often stood in opposition to the Imube clan which rivaled the Ki. The Ki clan was an old clan, with its roots tracing back to Emperor Mizunō (r.164 - 198 CE) by way of the far older Kazuraki clan and had, in the years prior to the birth of Prince Umayado, become a strong proponent for the adoption of Buddhism by the Imperial Court. This was naturally opposed by the Imube, who had been responsible for the Teidō rituals performed by the court, but also by others such as the Hashiji clan, which aimed to keep what influence it had within the court.

   The Ki clan's own influence had grown significantly in the years prior to Prince Umayado's birth, with his grandfather, Ki no Hioki marrying two of his daughters, Ki no Ohoyake and Ki no Iratsume, to Emperor Shunkan. With this influence, he would pressure the Emperor to abdicate, replacing him with his nephew, an older brother of Prince Umayado, on the throne before having him assassinated in 593, replacing him with Empress Jinki, the first Empress-regnant in Daitō's history. Prince Umayado, having changed his name to Prince Kamitsumiya, was appointed as her regent, being a close ally of the Ki clan who some speculate may have played a role in his brother's murder. During the reign of Empress Jinki, Prince-turned-Regent Kamitsumiya would hold considerable sway over the court, though it should be noted that, although he was regent, Empress Jinki did hold power in her own right as well, making her in effect a willing collaborator for the Ki.

   Prince Kamitsumiya was noted as a great scholar during the period of great reform in which he lived, having been well-versed in classical literature from Lijiang, Yamato, and Phuebra, as well as being a devout Buddhist. He was influenced by Confucian principles, and during his time as regent, the court adopted its models of rank and etiquette while a seventeen-point "constitution", though it should not be confused with the modern idea of a constitution, was adopted in order to provide a guide for the virtues and morals of government officials and prescribed ways to bring harmony to a chaotic society. In addition, under Kamitsumiya's guidance, the court adopted a variation of the Lijiangian calendar, while he ordered the construction of numerous Buddhist temples, developed trade routes, had court chronicles compiled, sent students abroad to study Buddhism, and sent emissaries to the periphery of the known world. Of course, he also used his position to promote Buddhism among the court. One of the most notable developments, however, was the adoption of the title "Tenshi", or "Son of Heaven", by the rulers of the Empire in place of previous titles; this title would eventually become "Tennō", or "Heavenly Sovereign", which is the title used by the Emperor of Daitō to this day.

   In the years following the death of Prince Kamitsumiya, the Ki clan would lose power, with the scion of the clan being accused of treason in 642 as part of the Shinchū incident and his father driven to suicide, a successful coup d'état in the Imperial Court which placed Prince Kara on the throne as Emperor Tenji.
IIIc. The Taika Reforms and the Ritsuryō system

Emperor Tenji
   In the first year of the Taika Era, Emperor Tenji promulgated a series of reforms which were intended to restore power to the Imperial family in place of the Ki and other clans, in doing so announcing the "Taika Era", or in English, "Great Reform". Envoys and students were sent abroad to study literature, religion, architecture, and even dietary habits of the time. Even to this day, impact of the reforms can still be seen in contemporary Daitōjin and Toshikawan cultural life. The reforms started with land reform, based on Confucian ideas and philosophies, but the true aim of the reforms was to bring about greater centralization and to enhance the power of the imperial court. What were once known as "private lands and private people" became known as "public lands and public people", in effect making the people direct citizens and subjects of the Emperor, rather than the landholding elites. Land itself was no longer hereditary but reverted to state control after the death of the owner.

   Under the Taika Reforms, taxes were levied on harvests and on silk, cotton, cloth, thread, and other products, while a corvée tax was established for military conscription and the construction of public works. The hereditary titles of clan chieftains were abolished, and three ministers were established to advise the throne as part of the Daijō-kan (Great Council of State), those being the Daijō-daijin (Chancellor), the Sadaijin (Minister of the Left), and the Udaijin (Minister of the Right). The country was divided into provinces headed by governors appointed by the court, and the provinces were further divided into districts and villages. The reforms also established a state-wide postal service, allowing for messengers to travel roughly 300km a day, although in practice, this service only extended throughout the Imperial Heartland and the modern Allied States of Ardia.

   Following Emperor Tenji's death in 654 and a brief civil war, the reforms that began were continued, culminating in the establishment of the Taihō-Ritsuryō code of 703, which further reorganized the country and placed power firmly in the hands of the Emperor. It reestablished hereditary titles and class status, as had been the tradition of the Ōnishi rather than basing them on merit, and it rejected notions that the Emperor's right to rule came from a supposed Mandate from Heaven, instead asserting that the Emperor's power comes from his imperial descent, not from his righteousness or fairness as a ruler. It formalized two branches of the government, those being the Daijō-kan, which handled all secular duties of the state, and the Jingi-kan, or Department of Divinities, which handled all spiritual, religious, and ritualistic matters. The 700s saw the end of the Otawara period in 710 CE, when the Imperial capital was moved from Sojo-kyō to Saijo-kyō during the reign of Emperor Eiman.
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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #5 on: April 15, 2023, 12:04:18 AM »
Chapter Five — The Saijo Period
I. — Overview of the Saijo Period


1/1000 Scale model of Saijo-kyō, held by Okayama City Hall
   The Saijo period, named for then capital of the Empire, was a period of Imperial Daitōjin history which spanned from 710 to 793 CE. Save for a period from 740 to 745, when the capital was moved back to Sojo-kyō, it was, throughout the period, the capital of not only the Empire, but of Ōnishi civilization as a whole. It ceased to be the capital in 793 when Emperor Senshū moved the capital to Heijō-kyō. For the average person, life remained relatively the same, centering around agriculture and the village, while the average peasant would practice Teidō, giving worship to the Kami. However, it was still a period of reform and change, seeing the birth of modern styles of Ōnishi Waka poetry. Such poetry was notably compiled into the Man'yōshū, the largest collection of poetry originating in Daitō, from which the term for using the Lijiangian writing system phonetically, man'yōgana, was given its name. Said system would evolve into the modern hiragana and katakana writing systems in the 9th century.
II. — Economic and Administrative Developments during the Saijo Period
   Economic and administrative activity greatly increased during the Saijo period. Roads, both old and new, were built or repaired, better linking the Imperial Capital to the major cities out in the provinces, and taxes were collected more efficiently than in previous periods. New coins were minted, however, these were faced with some skepticism by the common people, who even in previous centuries scarcely used them, instead bartering for what they needed. Outside of the region around the capital and a few other cities, there was little commercial activity, and in the provinces the old Kamitsumiya land reform systems declined. By the mid-eighth century, shōen (landed estates), one of the most important economic institutions in pre-Taika Daitō, began to rise as a result of the search for a more manageable form of landholding. Local administration gradually became more self-sufficient, while the breakdown of the old land distribution system and the rise of taxes led to the loss or abandonment of land by many people who became the "wave people" (furōsha). Some of these formerly "public people" were privately employed by large landholders, and "public lands" increasingly reverted to the shōen.

   Factional infighting continued in the Imperial Court, albeit to a far lesser degree than it had been in the Otawara period. Imperial Family members, leading court families such as the Matsumae, and even Teidō and Buddhist priests all contended for influence. Prince Ankun seized power at the court following the death of Matsumae no Umakai in 720, who was succeeded by his three sons, Kurihara, Kuwata, and Fusasaki. The three put Emperor Eihō, prince by Umakai’s daughter, on the throne. In 728, they arrested Prince Ankun and regained control of the court. An outbreak of Typhoid Fever spread from the peninsula killed the brothers in 736, resulting in a temporary reduction in the power of the Matsumae. Their power would be restored before the end of the 740s, however they would never fully return to their glory days.

   As the years dragged on, the financial burdens of the state increased, leading to the court dismissing non-essential officials, and by 792, universal conscription was abolished for law enforcement in peacetime. In the other provinces, local officials were permitted to recruit private militias to serve as police, and the decentralization of the country only continued from there, thus beginning, to an extent, the “feudal” era in the Yamato Empire. In order to return rule to Imperial hands, in 793 the capital was moved once more, one last time for over a thousand years, to Heijō-kyō, thus bringing an end to the Saijo period and beginning the Heijō period.
III. — The Emishi and other Foreign Relations

Emishi paying homage to Kamitsumiya Taishi
   The Emishi (蝦夷), alternatively known as the Ebisu (戎), were an ethnic group which inhabited what is now part of northern Daitō. Made up of relatives of the modern Yezo, non-aligned Ōnishi, and nomads from further west, they were known for their skill as mounted archers as well as their semi-nomadic lifestyle, occasionally raiding Ōnishi settlements in the north of the country from the 5th century onwards. Starting in the late Otawara period, but picking up significantly during the Saijo period, the forces of the Empire of Yamato began a series of campaigns to pacify the Emishi, however, throughout the 8th century, they would be met with failure after failure, struggling to adapt to the hit-and-run tactics of the numerically inferior Emishi. However, in time, the Yamato would adapt, eventually being able to conquer the Emishi and repopulate the region with their own people.

   The Saijo period also saw an increase in trade and exploration by the Yamato, with sailors travelling as far south as modern-day Derusmia and as far east as Kermah. Perhaps most fatefully, however, the Saijo period would see the Ōnishi and Ardians make their first contact, a peaceful exchange unlike what was to come in the centuries that followed.
IV. — Cultural Developments and the Establishment of Buddhism
   Some of Daitō's literary monuments, such as the Kojiki and the Fusō Shoki, as well as the Man'yōshū and the Kaifūsō were written or fully compiled during the Saijo period. Another development was the permanent establishment of Buddhism within the country, which had, in the sixth century, received a mixed reception until the Saijo period, when it was heartily embraced by Emperor Kaō. Kaō and his Matsumae consort were fervent Buddhists and actively promoted the spread of Buddhism, declaring it the "Guardian of the State" and a way of strengthening Yamato institutions. During his reign, the Tōdai-ji was built, in which a Daibutsu statue, sixteen meters tall and made of gilt bronze. This Buddha was identified with the Sun Goddess, and a gradual syncretization of Buddhism and Teidō began. Kaō declared himself "Servant of the Three Treasures" of Buddhism: the Buddha, the law or teachings of Buddhism, and the Buddhist community.

   Although these efforts stopped short of making Buddhism the state religion, Okayama Buddhism heightened the status of the imperial family. Buddhist influence at court increased under the reigns of Kaō's successors, Emperors Eihō, Kennin, and Go-Hōen. During their reigns, many Buddhist priests were brought into court, ordered the printing of prayer charms, some of which survive today as among the oldest printed works in the world, and nearly made Buddhism the state religion. Their actions shocked Saijo era society and led to the exclusion of Buddhist priests from positions of authority. In 793, following an attempted rebellion by a prominent Buddhist monk in Saijo-kyō, Emperor Taisō moved the capital to a new city, Heijō-kyō, which would go on to be the capital of Daitō for over a millennium; this move brought an end to the Saijo period.
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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #6 on: April 15, 2023, 04:03:09 PM »
Chapter Six — The Heijō Period
I. — Overview of the Heijō Period


Section of a handscroll depicting a scene from the "Bamboo River" chapter of the Tale of Genji, c. 1130
   The Heijō period is the final division of classical Daitōjin history, lasting from 793 until the rise of the Genji Bakufu in 1185. Following the Saijo period, when the fifty-fourth Emperor, Emperor Taisō, moved the capital to Heijō-kyō (modern-day Tenkyō), it saw the diminishing of foreign influences upon the Yamato court as the national culture truly matured. This period is seen by many as having been the peak of the Imperial court and is noted for its art, especially its poetry and literature. Likewise, it is noted for the development of two new writing systems: Katakana, a phonetic script which was abbreviated into Hiragana, a cursive alphabet with a unique writing method distinct to the Ōnishi states. This in turn gave rise to a famed vernacular language among the Ōnishi, with many of its texts written by court women who were not as educated in Lijiangian as compared to their male counterparts.

   Although the Imperial House nominally held power, in truth, this power was concentrated in the hands of the Matsumae clan, a powerful aristocratic family which had intermarried with the Imperial House. Many Emperors during this time period, as had been the case with the Ki clan during the Otawara period, had mothers who belonged to the Matsumae. The economy existed mostly by way of barter and trade, while the shōen system enabled the accumulation of wealth by an aristocratic elite. In spite of being a time of relative peace, even as the Empire reached its greatest extent and began to come into conflict with newly-arriving Ardians in the south of the Peninsula, the government failed to effectively police the territory, leading to frequent robberies of travelers.
II. The Early Heijō Period

Miniature model of Heijō-kyō
   When Emperor Taisō moved the capital to Heijō-kyō in 793, he did so not only to strengthen imperial authority but also to improve his seat of government geopolitically. Okayama was abandoned after only 83 years because of the ascendancy of Dōkyō, a monk who had gained the favor of his predecessors, and the ever-encroaching secular power of the Buddhist institutions there. Heijō-kyō—Tenkyō—had good river access to the sea and could be reached by land routes from the western and southern provinces. The early Heijō period continued Saijo culture; the Heijō capital was patterned off of Saijo-kyō, although it was on a much larger scale than Okayama. Emperor Taisō also attempted to improve the administrative system that was in use. Despite the decline of the Taika-Taihō reforms, the Imperial Government was vigorous during the early Heijō period. Taisō's avoidance of drastic reform decreased the intensity of political struggles, and he became recognized as one of Daitō's most forceful emperors.

   Although Emperor Taisō had abandoned universal conscription in 793, he still waged war on the Emishi and other foreigners living on the periphery of the Empire. The Emishi in particular had been a thorn in the side of many an Emperor over the centuries, although their own power had begun to wane. Having made minor gains in 794, in 797 Emperor Taisō appointed Mushanokōji no Takauji as Sei-i Taishōgun (Lit. "Barbarian Subduing Generalissimo"), a title which would later on become merely Shōgun, for a time the true ruling authority in the Empire. By 801, the new shōgun had, by way of a brutal campaign, subdued the Emishi, adding their lands, though troubled for decades to come, to the Yamato state. By 816, the Empire would reach its greatest extent, spanning from Lake Hibara in the north to Toshikawa in the south.

   Following the death of Emperor Taisō in 806 and a power struggle which ensued among his sons, two new offices were established to adjust the Taika–Taihō administrative structure. Through the new Emperor's Private Office, the emperor could issue administrative edicts more directly and with more self-assurance than before. The new Metropolitan Police Board replaced the largely ceremonial imperial guard units. While these two offices strengthened the emperor's position temporarily, soon they and other Lijiangian-style structures were bypassed in the developing state. In 828, the end of the imperial-sanctioned missions to Lijiang, which had begun centuries prior, marked the effective end of Lijiangian influence on the court, and Daitō, perhaps at the worst moment, began to turn inward.
III. The Matsumae Regency

Matsumae no Saneatsu
   As had been the case with the Ki clan in the 6th century, the Matsumae by the ninth century had intermarried with the imperial family, and one of their members was the first head of the Emperor's Private Office. Another Matsumae became regent, Sesshō for his grandson, then a minor emperor and yet another was appointed Kampaku. Toward the end of the ninth century, numerous Emperors had tried but failed to check the power of the Matsumae. For a time, however, during the reign of Seimei, the Matsumae regency was suspended as he ruled directly. Nonetheless, the Matsumae were not demoted by Seimei but actually became stronger during his reign. Central control of Daitō had continued to decline, and the Matsumae, like other clans and religious authorities, acquired ever larger shōen and greater wealth during the early tenth century. By the early Heijō period, the shōen had gained legal status, and the large religious establishments sought clear titles in perpetuity, a waiver on taxes, and immunity from government inspection of the shōen they held. Those people who worked the land found it advantageous to transfer title to shōen holders in return for a share of the harvest. People and lands were increasingly beyond central control and taxation, a de facto return to conditions before the Taika Reform.

   Within decades of Seimei's death, the Matsumae had absolute control over the court. By the year 1000, Matsumae no Saneatsu was able to enthrone and dethrone emperors at will. Little authority was left for traditional institutions, and government affairs were handled through the Matsumae clan's private administration. The Matsumae had become, as is described by some historians, a "hereditary dictatorship", which was a pattern that would repeat itself on multiple occasions throughout the coming centuries. Despite their usurpation of imperial authority, the Matsumae presided over a period of great artistic and cultural development. There was great interest in graceful poetry and vernacular literature. Two types of phonetic Ōnishi script, hiragana and katakana, were developed, with hiragana giving written expression to the spoken word and giving rise to Ōnishi vernacular literature. Three late-tenth-century and early-11th-century women presented their views of life and romance at the Heijō court in Kagerō Nikki, the Pillow Book, and the Tale of Genji. Indigenous art also flourished under the Matsumae after centuries spent following Lijiangian forms. Vividly colored yamato-e, Daitōjin style paintings of court life and stories about temples and shrines became common in the mid-to-late Heijō period, setting patterns for Daitōjin art to this day.

   However, as culture flourished, so too did decentralization. Whereas the first phase of shōen development in the early Heijō period had seen the opening of new lands and the granting of the use of lands to aristocrats and religious institutions, the second phase saw the growth of patrimonial "house governments", as in the old clan system. In fact, the form of the old clan system had remained largely intact within the great old centralized government. New institutions were now needed in the face of social, economic, and political changes. The Taihō Code lapsed, its institutions relegated to ceremonial functions. Family administrations now became public institutions. As the most powerful family, the Matsumae governed Daitō and determined the general affairs of state, such as succession to the throne. Family and state affairs were thoroughly intermixed, a pattern followed among other families, monasteries, and even the imperial family. Land management became the primary occupation of the aristocracy, not so much because direct control by the imperial family or central government had declined but more from strong family solidarity and a lack of a sense of Daitō as a single nation.
IV. The Bushi

Illustrated section of the Lotus Sutra, from the Heike Nōkyō collection of texts, 1167
   Under the early courts, when military conscription had been centrally controlled, military affairs had been taken out of the hands of the provincial aristocracy. But as the system broke down, local power holders again became the primary source of military strength. The re-establishment of an efficient military system was made gradually through a process of trial-and-error. At that time the imperial court did not possess an army but rather relied on an organization of professional warriors composed mainly of oryoshi, which were appointed to an individual province and tsuibushi, which were appointed over imperial circuits or for specific tasks. This gave rise to the Daitōjin military class. Nonetheless, final authority rested with the imperial court.

   Shōen holders had access to manpower and, as they obtained improved military technology (such as new training methods, more powerful bows, armor, horses, and superior swords, and eventually gunpowder) and faced worsening local conditions in the ninth century, military service became part of shōen life. Not only the shōen but also civil and religious institutions formed private guard units to protect themselves. Gradually, the provincial upper class was transformed into a new military elite of bushi, or samurai. Bushi interests were diverse, cutting across old power structures to form new associations in the tenth century. Mutual interests, family connections, and kinship were consolidated in military groups that became part of family administration. In time, large regional military families formed around members of the court aristocracy who had become prominent provincial figures. These military families gained prestige from connections to the imperial court and court-granted military titles and access to manpower. The Matsumae family, the Heike (Taira) clan, and the Seiwa Genji (Minamoto) clan were among the most prominent families supported by the new military class. These families would compete for resources and land throughout the coming decades.

   The Matsumae continued to control the Imperial court until the reign of Emperor Go-Kakitsu, the first Emperor not born of a Matsumae mother since the ninth century. Go-Kakitsu, determined to restore imperial control through strong personal rule, implemented reforms to curb Matsumae influence. He established an office to compile and validate estate records with the aim of reasserting central control. Many shōen were not properly certified, and large landholders, like the Matsumae, felt threatened with the loss of their lands. Go-Kakitsu also established the In-no-chō (Office of the Cloistered Emperor), which was held by a succession of emperors who abdicated to devote themselves to behind-the-scenes governance, or insei. A struggle for succession in the 12th century, wherein the Matsumae sided with a retired emperor against the heir apparent, who was backed by the Taira and the Minamoto, led to the Matsumae's defeat and destruction, while the old system of government was supplanted and the insei system left powerless. The Bushi moved to fill the vacuum, thus marking a turning point in Daitōjin history. However, old rivalries died hard, and as the newly born Ardian Empire clawed at the doorstep, actions were underway which would doom the Empire as everyone knew it.
V. The Genpei War
Va. The Echo of the Gion Shōja Bells

Opening Passage of the Heike Monogatari
   "The sound of the Gion Shōja bells echoes the impermanence of all things; the color of the sāla flowers reveals the truth that the prosperous must decline. The proud do not endure, they are like a dream on a spring night; the mighty fall at last to become as dust before the wind." Thus opens the famed Tale of the Heike, wherein a clan at the height of its power lost everything in the final days of the old world. It speaks to the Buddhist laws of transience and impermanence, the idea that nothing can truly last forever, and serves a bookend to Ōnishi dominance in East Ardia, replaced under the boot of the Ardian Empire. In a way, as the Heike were supplanted by the Genji, so too was the Empire of Yamato supplanted by the Ardians. But what was the historical Tale of the Heike? What was the Genpei war?

   Waged from 1180 to 1185, the Genpei War was the culmination of a decades-long struggle between the Taira and Minamoto clans, two of the most important clans in the history of East Ardia whose influence can still be felt to this day, and resulted in the establishment of the Azumino Bakufu—the Otsu Shogunate. It followed a coup d'état by the Taira in 1179, which came Heiji rebellion of 1159 which saw the Genji seek to take power from the Taira. At the order of Taira no Kiyomori, on the 18th of March, 1180, Emperor Takakura abdicated and his son—Kiyomori's grandson—Antoku, merely two years of age, was placed upon the Celestial Throne. Believing his birthright had been unjustly stolen from him, Prince Mochihito, son of Emperor Go-Shirakawa, sent out a call to arms to the Genji and to Buddhist monasteries in late spring.
Vb. Prince Mochihito's Rebellion

Prince Mochihito
   When Prince Mochihito began his uprising, he sent out an order to the Bushi of the Empire calling for the total destruction of the Taira. Of course, the Prince had many reasons to hate the Taira, as had been the case for many in the Empire at the time. In the past, Kiyomori had worked to prevent him from entering the line of succession, which had allowed for him to place Emperor Takakura on the throne. During the coup of 1179, he had seen many of his personal holdings confiscated by the Taira, and finally, the recent enthronement of Emperor Antoku had made it clear that he no longer had any realistic chance of ever making it to the throne. Running out of options, it appears that the Prince had finally snapped, lashing out with the last bit of power that he could cling to: the authority of his royal blood. The Taira moved to arrest the rebellious prince around a month after the issuing of his call to arms, but with no intention of peaceful surrender, he had already fled the capital. In the hope of having a fighting chance, he called in a favor to the aging Minamoto no Yorimasa, a long-time imperial loyalist and perhaps the only member of the Seiwa Genji clan to have maintained his status in aristocratic society after the clan's downfall decades prior.

   Along with around fifty horsemen, the two attempted to make their way to the old capital in Okayama, seeking military aid from the temple of Kōfukuji, but a force of close to three hundred Taira loyalists caught up with them as they were resting at the Byōdō-in temple. The ensuing battle, the Battle of the Byōdō-in, marked the beginning of the Genpei War and perhaps sealed the fate of the Empire of Yamato as a significant force in East Ardia for centuries to come. The Byōdō-in sits on the side of the Uji river, opposite of Tenkyō, and Mochihito's men had already partially dismantled the bridge crossing it in order to stymie any potential pursuers, meaning that the river became the primary obstacle around which the battle was waged. The superhuman fighting of the three warrior-monks, Tajima, Meishū, and Ichirai Hōshi is a famed fictional episode from this battle, with the first, Tajima, being said to have dodged and parried a hail of arrows, the second, Meishū, running barefoot across the beams of the bridge with perfect balance, and the third, Ichirai Hōshi, entering the battle by leaping over Meishū's head. These are, however, fictional accounts and should not be taken as anything but. Eventually, the Taira troops were able to cross the river by closely clustering their horses to withstand the river's current, and, once on the other side, they outnumbered Mochihito's loyalists. The elderly Yorimasa opted to take his own life once defeat became imminent, but the ever-tenacious Prince Mochihito attempted to escape and live to fight another day, but was ultimately killed by his pursuers. Yet though his fight was over, the war that would destroy the Taira had only just begun.

   In the weeks that followed, as news of Prince Mochihito's death spread, enflaming anti-Heike sentiments, Taira no Kiyomori made a shocking decision: Daitō's capital, and thus the permanent residences of the Emperor and retired emperors, would be relocated to his home of Fukuhara. This decision came seemingly out of the blue for the people of Tenkyō and caused a significant amount of unrest, especially given that the city had been the Imperial capital for nearly four centuries. However, the Emperor and nearly all high-level bureaucrats were now heading for Fukuhara, so anyone wishing to advance in the political or social world had little choice but to move as well. Many houses were deconstructed and rafted down the Shōnai river, and Tenkyō became as a ghost town. Unfortunately, Fukuhara was a far cry from Tenkyō both in its elegance and its functionality as a capital. While it was on the coast of the Mutsu inland sea, thus placing it in an advantageous position commercially and militarily, it was much smaller than the old capital, and the fact that it was surrounded by mountains on its non-coastal sides meant that its possibility for expansion was limited.
Vc. The tide turns against the Heike

Left: Minamoto no Yoritomo, Right: Taira no Munemori
   Upon the death of Minamoto no Yorimasa, Minamoto no Yoritomo took over leadership of the Seiwa Genji and began traveling the Empire and seeking rendezvous with allies. Leaving Kai province, to which he had been exiled, he made for the Hakone pass and was defeated by the Heike in the Battle of Ishibashiyama. Though bloodied, he successfully made it to the provinces of Izu and Ōmi, where friendly families helped to repel the Taira. Meanwhile, seeking vengeance against the monks of Mii-dera, Kiyomori besieged Okayama, formerly known as Saijo-kyō, and burned much of the historic city to the ground. The fighting continued the next year, 1181. Minamoto no Yukiie was defeated by Taira no Shigehira at the battle of Sunomatagawa, although the Heike could not maintain their initiative and thus the war stalled. Taira no Kiyomori's death in 1181 saw his son, Taira no Munemori, take over as the leader of the clan and move the capital back to Tenkyō, and had his forces attack Taira no Yoshinaka, a cousin of Yoritomo, but they were unsuccessful.

   Yet the war did not continue, not right away anyways, as a famine swept the Empire around the same time as an incursion by the Ardians, smelling blood in the water, into the south of the country, in effect cutting off what would become Toshikawa from the rest of the country, leaving it functionally independent and at their mercy. The two warring factions called a temporary truce to stop the Ardians, doing so by spring of 1183, though they would not be able to retake the lands lost to the Ardians. When the truce ended, war erupted once more, seeing the Taira suffer a crushing blow at Kurikara, eventually finding themselves under siege in Tenkyō a few months later. Both Genji leaders had seen little to no opposition in marching to the capital and now forced the Taira to flee the city. The Taira left, heading east with their army, Emperor Antoku, and the Imperial Regalia. The retired Emperor, Go-Shirakawa, defected to Yoshinaka and issued a mandate for Yoshinaka to "join with Yukiie in destroying Munemori and his army".

   That same year, Yoshinaka once more sought to seize control of the Minamoto clan by planning an attack on Yoritomo, while simultaneously pursuing the Heike eastward. The Heike set up a temporary court at Dazaifu, however, they were soon forced out by local revolts instigated by Go-Shirakawa. Thus, they moved once more to Yashima and were successful in beating back an attack by Yoshinaka’s forces at Mizushima. As this occurred, Yoshinaka conspired with Yukiie to seize the capital and the Emperor, possibly even establishing a new court in the north. However, Yukiie disclosed these plans to the Emperor, who communicated them to Yoritomo. Betrayed, Yoshinaka seized Tenkyō and, at the start of 1184, set alight the Hōjūjidono temple, taking the Emperor into custody. Minamoto no Yoshitsune arrived at the city alongside his brother and a considerable force soon thereafter, driving Yoshinaka from the city. In a dramatic twist of fate, he faced Yoshinaka’s forces at the bridge over the Uji river, the very same bridge where the war had begun, defeating him. Yoshinaka would make one final stand at Awazu, where he was defeated by Yoshitsune and killed attempting to flee.
Vd. Final Days

Battle of Ichi-no-Tani
   As the unified forces of the Seiwa Genji left Tenkyō, the Taira began consolidating their position at a number of sites in and around the Inland Sea, which was their ancestral home territory. They received a number of missives from the Emperor offering that if they surrendered by the seventh day of the second month, the Minamoto could be persuaded to agree to a truce. This was a farce, as neither the Minamoto nor the Emperor had any intentions of waiting until the eighth day to attack. Nevertheless, this tactic offered the Emperor a chance to regain the Regalia and to distract the Taira leadership. The Minamoto army, led by Yoshitsune and Noriyori, made their first major assault at Ichi-no-Tani, one of the primary Taira camps in the western Mutsu. The camp was attacked from two directions by Yoshitsune and Noriyori, and the Taira not killed or captured retreated to Yashima. The Battle of Ichi-no-Tani was the first reported use of a weapon known as a "Fire Lance", an early gunpowder weapon developed in Daitō. However, the Minamoto were not prepared to assault the island of Shōdo; a six-month pause thus ensued during which the Minamoto took the proper steps. Though on the retreat, the Taira enjoyed the distinct advantages of being in friendly, home territories, and of being far more adept at naval combat than their rivals. Nearly a year later, the Heike were finally attacked at Yashima, fleeing one final time with the Emperor Antoku and the Imperial Regalia to the bay of Dan-no-Ura, in what is now Izumi prefecture.
Ve. Dan-no-Ura

Battle of Dan-no-Ura
   At the Dan-no-Ura bay, the Heike chose to make their final stand against the Genji navy, which, in the months that followed their defeat at Yashima, had swelled to outnumber the Taira fleet. Despite this numerical advantage, the Minamoto still had to contend with the inherent difficulty that came with their maritime battlefield, whose current fluctuated from east to west throughout the day and was known to reach speeds of 15 kilometers per hour. At the beginning of the battle, the current was flowing east, giving the advantage to the Heike, who were on the western side and thus didn't need to fight the current to advance. Yoshitsune's fleet was being pressed hard, and, sensing the possibility of defeat, Yoshitsune gave the order for his men to fire upon the Taira fleet's boatmen and rowers. This was a sort of faux-pas by the customary rules of war during that era, which frowned upon the killing of non-combatants, but Yoshitsune ignored this precedent and his merciless judgement produced results: the Taira were thrown into disorder.

   Not long after, the bay's current shifted to the west, and the Genji were able to gain the advantage. Some Taira warriors attempted to abandon their ships and flee to solid land, but the presence of Minamoto forces on the shore meant this was, in effect, an exercise in futility, and as their chances of victory began to slip from them, their allies began to desert them as well. With defeat becoming more and more of a certainty, the leaders of the Taira clan began, one after another, to throw themselves into the sea, choosing death by drowning over capture and beheading by the Minamoto. Tragically, among these deaths was the six-year-old Emperor Antoku, who was carried into the depths by his maternal grandmother, the wife of the late Kiyomori. Per some retellings of the story, after being told that he needed to say his goodbyes to the world that he knew, the young boy innocently asked his grandmother where they were going, and she replied that they were heading to "an imperial city beneath the waves." The pair would end up taking two of the three imperial regalia, which would, for a time, be lost until being recovered a few months later. Those who did not attempt to take their lives, as well as a few who were fished out of the water, were captured and later beheaded, save for a few who, their status diminished, would disappear from the historical record, though their descendants would still have a role to play. As for Yoritomo, he would be appointed Sei-i-Taishōgun, marking the beginning of the feudal era as the Ardian Empire prepared to make its next move.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:03:32 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #7 on: April 21, 2023, 04:00:06 AM »
Chapter Seven — The Otsu Period, the Ardian Wars, and the Kanpō Restoration (1185 - 1358 CE)
I. — Overview of the Otsu Period


Procession of Minamoto no Yoritomo through Tenkyō
   The Otsu Period (大津時代, Otsu Jidai), alternatively known as the Azumino Period (安曇野時代, Azumino Jidai), was a period of Daitōjin history which lasted from 1185 until 1355, marking the age when the Azumino Shōgunate, which was officially established in 1192 by the first Shōgun, Minamoto no Yoritomo, after the conclusion of the Genpei war, ruled the country. The period saw the emergence of the Samurai, the warrior class, and the establishment of feudalism in Daitō. The Otsu period, despite being overwhelmingly a period of peace within the remaining imperial rump state, henceforth referred to as Fusan, began and ended with turmoil within the country, both from without and within. The period is named for the city of Otsu, Ashina prefecture, which, prior to its renaming in 1949, was known as Azumino.

   During the early Otsu period, the Shōgunate continued warfare against both the Ardians in the south and the Matsumae in the east, the latter of whom was only defeated in 1189. The Ardians, on the other hand, would not be defeated, with Imperial forces only being able to halt their advance just south of the Ryōhaku mountains by 1191. While certainly a grave loss to the Empire, these lands south of the mountains, unlike those within the imperial heartland, were far less settled and thus less important to the country's economy. The invasion would, however, justify the decision made by the Imperial Court, and more specifically the Emperor, to appoint Yoritomo as Shōgun. However, the authority of the Azumino Shōgunate would wane in the 1190s, and power was again transferred to a powerful family, the Kujō, in the thirteenth century, with the head of the clan serving as regent (Shikken) under the shōgun, who became a powerless figurehead much as the Emperor had.

   The later Otsu period saw a resumed push by the Ardians to invade, this time by sea, in 1271 and 1281, causing a brief period of chaos in the country though these invasions were repelled. In order to reduce this chaos, the Kujō decided to decentralize power by allowing only two Imperial lineages—the Northern and Southern lines—to alternate the throne. This system worked for a time, however, by the mid-14th century, the southern line revolted under Emperor Sakuramachi and eventually led to the siege of Azumino in 1355, which ended the rule of the shōgunate. With this, the Azumino period ended, and following a brief period of direct Imperial rule, however, the allies of the Emperor, the Itakura, would seize power for themselves, ruling the Empire directly from 1358 onwards, thus beginning the Horikawa Period.
II. — The Kujō Regency

Portrait of Kujō Toshisuke
   When Minamoto no Yoritomo died unexpectedly of an illness shortly before being ordained a Buddhist monk in 1199, the Minamoto clan was left greatly weakened, having purged the family of anyone capable of opposing him. For a time in that year, it seemed as perhaps the Minamoto would collapse, perhaps leading to the country once again descending into Civil War, much as it had twenty years prior, however, Kujō Toshisuke, the father of Yoritomo's widow, Kujō Mihata, and former guardian and protector of the late Yoritomo, claimed the title of regent (Shikken) to Yoritomo's son. At the same time, Mihata successfully maneuvered herself into such a powerful, albeit informal, position that people began calling her the "nun shōgun" in the place of her son, Sanetomo. As Sanetomo grew older, however, he attempted to exert real power, resulting in a power struggle with the Kujō clan. These conflicts caused significant tensions within the Shōgunate, and a rebellion in 1201 occurred, attempting to overthrow the Minamoto, though it would not succeed. Eventually, Toshisuke, growing tired of the dispute between the Shōgun and his clan, deposed Sanetomo, installing his younger brother, Sadazane, as the shōgun, while he officially took the position of regent. Sadazane was only twelve at this time, and thus power rested de-facto with his mother, Mihata. The Minamoto remained the titular shōguns, with the Kujō holding real power. In 1204, loyalists of the deposed shōgun attempted an uprising to topple the Kujō domination, but the latter defeated the rebels and assassinated Sanetomo.

   In 1207, Kujō Toshisuke attempted to depose Sadazane, hoping to install his son-in-law as new shōgun. However, his daughter saw this as a threat to her own status; she arranged the pretender's murder and banished her father to a monastery. In 1218, Sadazane was assassinated by his nephew, Ichiman. Since Sadazane died childless, the line of shōguns from the Minamoto clan ended with him. From this point going forwards, the Kujō held total control over the country, their rule absolute. Despite her son's death, however, Kujō Mihata's de-facto rule persisted; as long as she lived, the regents and shōguns would come and go, while she stayed at the helm. Since the Kujō were not of a rank which could nominate a shōgun from amongst its members, Mihata had to find a convenient puppet. She selected Koga Masamune, a distant relation of the Minamoto, who would be the fourth shōgun and figurehead, while Kujō Akisue would take care of day-to-day business. However powerless, future shōguns would always be chosen from either Matsumae or Imperial lineage to keep the bloodline pure, as well as to give legitimacy to their rule. This succession would continue for over a century.

   As a result of this, the Azumino Shōgunate rested on a downright strange pyramid of regents and de-facto usurpations; The true rulers, namely the Kujō Shikken, had usurped power from the Minamoto Shōguns, who had in turn usurped power from the Emperor, descending from Emperor Go-Tenju, who had in turn usurped it from the children of Emperor Seiwa. At the same time, the regents, shoguns, and emperors all still maintained their nominal positions and existed alongside each other. The regime nonetheless proved to be stable enough to last a total of 170 years, twelve Shōguns, and twenty-one regents. In 1221, the retired Emperor, Go-Toba, attempted to regain power in a war which would become known as the Karoku Rebellion, named for the regnal era in which it took place. This rebellion would fail, with the retired Emperor being banished, as many political exiles had been before, to the Satsunan Islands in the east. The power of the Kujō would, afterwards, remain unchallenged until 1352, when Emperor Sakuramachi orchestrated a plot to overthrow them, though it was discovered and he was deposed.
III. — The Ardian Invasions

Painting of Two Samurai with a dead Ardian at their feet during the Second Invasion, Nakaumi Gulf
   Since reaching the southern edge of the Ryōhaku Mountains in 1191, the Emperors of Ardia had aimed to gain control over the wealthy lands that made up the core of the once-proud Fusan, whether it be by force of arms or by diplomacy, perhaps as a sort of tributary to their ever-expanding state. Diplomacy was preferred by the Ardians at the time; after all, they were busy striking deeper and deeper into the continent, and to pull away forces from there for what would possibly be a costly endeavor, attempting to march through the Ryōhakus and then conquer the Ōnishi, would be to invite defeat and perhaps even rebellion in newly conquered territories, at least early on. Throughout the 1250s, there was a diplomatic back-and-forth between the Ardian court and the regents of the Azumino Shōgunate, ostensibly to merely build goodwill between the two rivals, though it cannot be said that there weren't ulterior motives on both sides. For while the Ardians wished to take the lands of the Yamato, the Azumino Shōgunate and her Kujō regents sought to restore control over East Ardia. For a time though, it seemed as though a peaceable arrangement would be arranged, however, a breakdown in relations following the death of Kujō Hiroyasu, the architect of these closer ties between the two states, in 1263 preceded a fateful series of actions which would further shape the relationship between Ardia and Fusan for years to come.

   In 1266 and 1267, the Emperor of Ardia sent a pair of messages to Daitō, demanding that the government there offered tribute and pledged to become as a vassal to the Ardians under threat of war if refused. This demand, however, was refused on both occasions, and thus, the Ardians made ready for war. The Imperial Court, though its power was gravely diminished, was deeply concerned by the second letter, viewing it as an ill omen and, with the assent of the Shōgunate, ordered Teidō shrines and Buddhist temples to pray for the repulsion of enemy troops, while the Kujō ordered for fortifications to be made not in the Ryōhaku mountains, but along the coast, recognizing the necessity of a naval invasion given past attempts at incursions through the mountains.

   On the 5th of November of 1271, Ardian forces departed from Rodez in the modern Allied States of Ardia, sailing for the lightly populated Kogajima in the Satsunan Islands, taking it in hours. This island would serve throughout the invasion as a base for supplies being sent further north, while the Ardians, led by one Guillaume Trencval, moved north, taking islands such as Toshima and Yakushima by the end of the month. From there, they would land at Nakaumi Gulf in what is now Fukui prefecture, where they would be met by Daitōjin forces led by Takezaki Katsuyoshi, a vassal of the Kujō. Per Daitōjin records, their force was outnumbered ten to one, however, a definitive number cannot be determined. It is estimated, however, that the bakufu was able to muster roughly five to eight-thousand warriors to fight off the invasion, while the Ardians, including conquered peoples and sailors, numbered between 28 and 30,000. The fighting at Nakaumi gulf lasted for a day, with the Shōgunate's forces being put into a rout. However, when the sun rose the day after, the Ardian fleet had apparently disappeared, believed, based on records, to have been destroyed by a typhoon. A similar event would occur a decade later, with a great many Ardians slain both by the Daitōjin, who were better prepared that time, and by poor weather. In the eyes of the Shōgunate, the Imperial Court, and the people, the nation had been saved by a divine wind, a Kamikaze, prompting a brief revival of the Teidō faith during the ensuing decades. Finally, thirty-four years later, in 1315, a final invasion by the Ardian Empire would occur, however, it would be defeated in the Satsunan islands, and thus, for centuries, a militaristic Ardian advance into Daitō would be halted.

   But while peace had been restored, the Ardian invasions were a drain on the economy, and new taxes had to be levied to maintain defensive preparations for the future. The invasions also caused disaffection among those who expected recompense for their help in defeating the Ardians. There were no lands or other rewards to be given, however, and such disaffection, combined with overextension and the increasing defense costs, led to a decline of the Azumino bakufu. Additionally, inheritances had divided family properties, and landowners increasingly had to turn to moneylenders for support. Roving bands of rōnin further threatened the stability of the shōgunate. The Kujō reacted to the ensuing chaos by trying to place more power among the various great family clans. To further weaken the Tenkyō court, the bakufu decided to allow two contending imperial lines—known as the Southern Court or junior line and the Northern Court or senior line—to alternate on the throne. For a time, this system worked, however, everything changed when Emperor Sakuramachi came to the throne in 1349.
IV. — The Kanpō Restoration

Left: Emperor Sakuramachi, Right: Kusunoki no Masashige
   Following the enthronement of Emperor Sakuramachi in 1349, he began plotting, in secret, to overthrow the Kujō and, by extension, the Azumino Shōgunate as a whole by encouraging his vassals and other anti-Kujō samurai to rebel. It should be noted that the Emperor, while certainly aiming to rule as an absolute monarch as the great emperors of old once had, writings of the court at the time indicate that, at least at first, he genuinely hoped to alleviate the issues plaguing the country, most notably corruption among the shugo (governors) and jitō (lesser lords) who had, with their political independence and their tax exemptions, both impoverished the people and government and undermined its authority. Nonetheless, these plans were exposed when Matsumae Naruhisa, an advisor of the Emperor, betrayed him during the midst of his first rebellion, and the Emperor was exiled for a time to the island of Yakushima, with Emperor Yōzei taking his place in 1352. For three years, the Emperor bided his time, using his agents to sow discord between the Shōgunate and its vassals, all the while boosting support for his cause. Finally, in 1355, Sakuramachi escaped from his confinement on Yakushima, raising a new Imperial army at Mt. Hyōno in Aki province, not far from Mihama in modern Muroran prefecture. From there, he defeated forces belonging to Yonekura Sadatadashi at the Battle of Mount Hyōnosan, gaining the support of many warlords in western Daitō against the Kujō.

   Meanwhile, Itakura Yoshiharu, the chief general of the Kujō, was dispatched south to fight against Sakuramachi's second uprising. However, for reasons which elude historians to this day, Yoshiharu defected to Sakuramachi's army shortly before reaching Tenkyō and began to fight against the Kujō. Although his reasons are unknown, it is suspected that it may have been due to his unofficial leadership of the Minamoto clan, the victors of the Genpei War against the Taira, to whom the Kujō had belonged. It may have also been due to Yoshiharu's hope that he would be appointed Shōgun by Sakuramachi after his restoration to power. Whatever the case may have been, his defection led to many others who were once loyal to the Kujō turning on them, and throughout 1355, a number of victories would be achieved by Imperial forces. On the 5th of July, 1355, the city of Azumino fell following a brief siege, and with it, the Azumino Shōgunate, after over 160 years, came to an end.

   The Emperor, shortly after retaking the country, reclaimed the property of some manors his family had previously lost control of, rewarding with them, among others, Buddhist temples like Tō-ji and Daitoku-ji in the hope to obtain their support. He however failed to protect the rights of tenants and workers, whose complaints poured into the monasteries. He did not understand the importance to him of the warrior class either, because he never properly rewarded his minor samurai supporters, as he could have done using lands from the confiscated Kujō lands, indulging instead in favoritism. These errors are the key to understanding the events of the next few decades. After rewarding religious institutions, he prepared to redistribute Kujō lands, and samurai came to him in great numbers to lay their claims. The largest rewards went to the samurai, among them Tsuchiya Hidehisa, the man who destroyed the Azumino Shōgunate, and Itakura Yoshiharu. In so doing, however, he failed to return control of the provinces to civilians. However, he made his greatest mistake when he failed to properly reward minor warriors who had supported him. The tribunals set up to the purpose were inefficient and too inexperienced for the task, and corruption was, unfortunately for him, rife. The anger of the Bushi was only made worse when Sakuramachi, wishing to build himself a new palace but lacking funds, levied extra taxes from the Samurai class. A wave of enmity towards the nobility started to run through the country, growing stronger with time. By the end of 1357, the Emperor and the nobility had lost the support of the Samurai.

   In late 1357, a rebellion broke out within Iburi province (modern Aomori prefecture) led by Itakura Yoshiharu, who had grown discontent with the policies of the Emperor, as well as disappointed, in his eyes, by his failure to properly reward the Itakura for their efforts in the Kanpō Restoration. At the beginning of the next year, a call to arms was sent out by both the Emperor and by Yoshiharu, calling, in the case of the Emperor, for the rebellion to be put down and Yoshiharu to be captured or killed, while in the latter case, it was to overthrow the Emperor and restore Shōgunal rule. Needless to say, given the actions of Emperor Sakuramachi in the years prior, few were willing to join him. A notable supporter of the Emperor, however, was Kusunoki no Masashige, who, despite knowing the battle was unwinnable, still fought on loyally for the Emperor until the death. He would go on to be memorialized as an example of virtue and loyalty, both among the Samurai of later periods and of the Imperial government starting in the late 19th century. Inevitably, the Itakura would succeed, establishing a new Shōgunate under their rule and placing a new Emperor on the throne. However, the heirs of Sakuramachi would flee, making their way north, thus beginning the Nanboku-chō period. And so, there were two Emperors but one Empire, now set against itself.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:04:18 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #8 on: April 22, 2023, 12:31:42 AM »
Chapter Eight — The Horikawa Period (1358 - 1475 CE)
I. — Nanboku-chō (1358 - 1392)


Banners of the Northern and Southern Courts
   Despite being overthrown, Emperor Sakuramachi never did give up his claim, fleeing from Tenkyō to Mount Yoshino in Kii province (modern Sanshū prefecture), where he established a Northern Imperial Court in opposition to the Itakura-dominated line of Emperors, or rather, the Southern Imperial Court. Ideologically opposed, as the northern court sought a return to the Heijō-period style of governance, while the southern court, a pawn of the Itakura, espoused the value of shōgunal rule, the two courts fought among themselves for thirty-four years, with the northern court eventually giving up control to the south in 1392. The period is viewed by historians as the formative years of the ultimately weak Itakura Shōgunate, which would continue to "rule" Daitō until the late 16th century, although actual authority would be lost in 1475 as the Sengōku period began. Furthermore, due to the agreement which led to the end of the period, the Emperors of both courts are recognized as having been legitimate, thus meaning that at any given time, there were two Emperors and two ongoing regnal eras during this period.

   Itakura Yoshiharu was, in 1358, nominally the Shōgun of Daitō, but, having shown himself to not be up to the task of ruling the country, had relied on his younger brother, Itakura Yoshinobu, to govern in his stead. However, relations had soured between the two brothers during the "Jōji disturbance", which started when Yoshiharu made Akai Tomosada his shitsuji (deputy), which led to Yoshinobu unsuccessfully attempting to have him assassinated. His plot was discovered, and thus, in 1371, he was forced by Tomosada to leave the government, shave his head and become a Buddhist monk. In 1372, he rebelled and joined his brother's enemies, the supporters of the Northern Court, whose Emperor, Emperor Go-Kansei, appointed him general of his entire army. In 1373, he defeated Yoshiharu in battle, occupied Tenkyō, and entered Azumino. During the same year, he captured Akai Tomosada and his brother and had them executed. The next year, however, his fortunes turned and he was defeated by Yoshiharu at Mt. Hyakurigatake. A reconciliation between the brothers proved to be brief, and Yoshinobu fled to Azumino. Yoshiharu pursued him, but they would reconcile once more before the city was placed under siege. According to records, Yoshinobu died a few months later from poisoning.

   The Jōji disturbance led to a series of small wars between the Northern and Southern Courts, leaving behind them a weakened state. The Shōgun, in an effort to restore order, appointed the leaders of his clan's branch families as shugo lords in the different provinces of western and central Daitō. While some warriors were appointed to shugo posts, successful generals, who were at the same time branch family heads who had cast in their lot with the Itakura were also rewarded with the post. The cost of not tying them to the regime was to lose their support, and to encourage their independence from the regime. The shugo acted as governors, and served the function of mediating between the regime center and periphery. As lords in their own right, they represented the authority of the regime in the provinces. The shugo of this period had greater power than that of the Azumino, including sending envoys where land disputes occurred, law enforcement, issuing hanzei (a half-tax), and to levy taxes. They came to hold much greater authority than the samurai houseman by virtue of having a province-wide appointment. In time, the shugo would go on to usurp the responsibilities of provincial governors, who were able to make their provincial power effective through the ties of vassalage with the samurai who had taken over the estate lands during the wars of the Nanboku-chō period.

   Eventually, as the line of northern court emperors grew smaller and smaller, their power began to weaken, their legitimacy coming ever further into question with each passing year. By 1392, the provinces which swore their loyalty to the line of Emperor Sakuramachi had begun declaring for the Shōgun, and in an effort to ensure that they would not be exiled or worse, the final northern court Emperor, Emperor Sukō, surrendered to the forces of Itakura Yoshikazu on the 19th of May, 1392. The Nanboku-chō period was over, but now, the Itakura had to pick up the pieces and attempt to move on.
II. — The Horikawa Period to the Sengoku-jidai (1392 - 1475)
IIa. The Horikawa Period

"Provincial Lords in audience with Shōgun Itakura Koreyasu", Shōhei Yamagishi, c.1896
   Despite officially lasting from 1358 until 1579, the timeframe which is most commonly associated with the Horikawa Period lasted only from 1392 until the Enkyō war in 1465. Named for the Horikawa district in Tenkyō, where the Shōgunate made its headquarters, this brief, seventy-three year period before the anarchy of the Sengoku period, which overlaps in large part with latter Horikawa period, was one largely of peace, as the Itakura sought to stabilize the country under their rule. However, while efforts were underway to stabilize the country, the shugo began to consolidate control over their territories, eventually, by the time of the Sengoku period, becoming known as Daimyō. In spite of Itakura Yoshikazu's pledge to ensure greater balance between the two lines of Imperial succession during the Nanboku-chō period, while the Shōgunate's control over succession waned, the southern line would go on to dominate succession going forwards. After his reign, the Shōgunate also lost more and more control over the country, with the Daimyō taking their place as quasi-independent polities in their own right and backing their own candidates for the Celestial Throne. In time, the Itakura also faced their own succession issues, and as a result, in 1465, war broke out between two rivals for the position, each backed by a great clan.
IIb. Religious Developments
   Zen Buddhism played a significant role in spreading not only religious teachings and practices but also art and culture from abroad, as practitioners frequently made the dangerous trek beyond the Empire as missionaries. Some of the things they brought back, for example, were new styles of painting based on the styles of Lijiang at the time. The proximity of the imperial court to the bakufu resulted in a co-mingling of imperial family members, courtiers, daimyō, samurai, and Zen priests. During the Horikawa period, the re-constituted Blue Cliff Record became the central text of Daitōjin Zen literature, which is a position it holds to this day.

   There was renewed interest in Teidō, which had coexisted with Buddhism during the centuries of the latter's predominance. Teidō, which lacked its own scriptures and had few prayers, had, as a result of syncretic practices begun in the Saijo period, widely adopted Shingon Buddhist rituals. Between the eighth and fourteenth centuries, Teidō was nearly totally absorbed by Buddhism, becoming known as Ryōbu Teidō (Dual Teidō). The Ardian invasions  of the 13th century had, however, evoked a national consciousness of the role of the kamikaze in defeating the enemy. Less than a century later, Kitabatake Chikafusa, a prominent figure in the Northern Court, wrote the Jinnō Shōtōki, a chronicle which emphasized the importance of maintaining the divine descent of the imperial line from Amaterasu to the current emperor, a condition that gave Daitō a special national polity (kokutai). Besides reinforcing the concept of the emperor as a deity, the Jinnō Shōtōki provided a Teidō view of history, stressing the divine nature of all Ōnishi and the country's spiritual supremacy over Ardia and Phuebra.
IIc. The Enkyō war

A Battle during the Enkyō War
   The Enkyō War was a civil war in Daitō that lasted from 1465 until 1475. Enkyō refers to the regnal era in which the war started, although it ended in the Kahō era. The conflict started as a dispute over who would succeed the seventh Itakura Shōgun, Itakura Otamaro. After all, in 1462, Otamaro had no son, and thus persuaded his younger brother, Hirotsugu, to abandon his life as a monk and named him his heir. However, in 1463, the unanticipated birth of a son to Otamaro put this decision into doubt. The infant, Hirohisa, led to a succession crisis with two competing factions. On one side was the Shōgun and his brother, together with the Shōgun's deputy, Nagao Yoshinari. On the other side was Hirohisa's mother, Kaede, and her ally, Asukabe Mitsunaga, who was the governor of several provinces. Kaede sought political and military support to rule as regent until the birth of her son, the future shōgun Itakura Hirohisa. She secured the loyalty of Asukabe Mitsunaga; on the other hand, Hirotsugu had the support of the Nagao clan, whose leader, Yoshinari, had long worked with the Shōgun's brother and even considered him a friend, as some writings suggest. 

   As the sides gradually formed, conflict finally broke out in Tenkyō, instigated by the Asukabe. This was seen as an act of rebellion by the Shōgun, and thus the Itakura and their supporters were forced to try and stop it. The uncertainty during the crisis had caused a split amongst the warrior clans, and the succession dispute became a pretext for a struggle for military supremacy. In the end, there was no clear-cut winner, instead seeing both sides fight each other into exhaustion over the course of the following decade. Eventually, Otamaro would die and the "throne" would pass to Hirohisa in 1469, but by that point, the country had fallen into disarray, and the war continued. The anarchy of the Sengoku Jidai had begun, and only the strongest would rule.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:05:33 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #9 on: April 23, 2023, 06:02:47 PM »
Chapter Nine — The Sengoku Jidai (1475 - 1609 CE)
I. — All that Begins...


A Battle during the Sengoku Period
   In the aftermath of the Enkyō War (1465 - 1475), the authority of the Itakura Shōgunate, already weakened by concessions to the Samurai following the wars of the Nanboku-chō period, was finally, truly broken, its power over the provinces existing in name alone. In its place, major local power-holders, the Daimyō, took control over the country, acting as quasi-independent warlords opposed to one another and, at varying times, to the central government in Tenkyō. It was a time of social upheaval and technological progress, as peasants took up arms against their lords, religious sects claimed provinces, and warriors made a name for themselves on the many battlefields that spanned this nearly 135 year age of disorder. It was also a time of technological advancement, as firearms—already present in the country, though by far less advanced than their Occidental counterparts, began to flood into the country starting in the 1540s as trade with the outside world, limited save through the Achkaerinese-held Gowu was heavily restricted since the Ardian Conquests. Other inventions of the Occident also made their way into the country, but a major factor during the Sengoku Jidai was not this technology, but rather, the religions spread by way of these merchants. For a brief time towards the end of the 16th century, Daitō would see the rise of foreign religions in the country, though this would not last. As a brief note, due to the nature of this period, only a few historical events will be covered.
II. — "Strangers On Our Shores"

Six-Screen Depiction of an Abertonian Merchant Vessel (c.1587)
   Though the Ōnishi of Fusan had been aware of foreign peoples not from East Ardia, thanks in no small part to the Achkaerinese trading post in Gowu as well as the Ardians, contact between Daitō and the Occident was, by the 1540s, still heavily limited. They knew little of the customs of the foreign, their histories, their languages, and their religions, having instead turned inwards at the beginning of the Heijō period. But in 1544, on the island of Takarajima, now a part of Kikai prefecture, a vessel appeared on the horizon, built in a style unfamiliar to the locals and bearing the standard of a foreign vessel. It was, in fact, an Abertonian merchant vessel which had, due to poor weather, been blown off course while making its way to the Ardian Empire. Seeing little recourse but to trade, they stopped in a port on the island, where they were met by a local lord, who arranged a deal with them after seeing their firearms. This would mark the beginning of the first time that the Daitōjin traded heavily with the "Occident" (although some question whether Abertone should be considered such). The island would go on to manufacture these foreign-styled firearms, known as hinawajū, or more commonly, Takarajima in honor of the island.

   Throughout the coming decades, trade continued to flourish along the coast, most often in regions closer to the Ardian Empire rather than further to the east, although it would, for a brief time after the conquest of Rokkenjima by the Ardians in the late 16th century, also be seen there. This "Hokuban trade", as the term for the practice by which these merchants visited the country, would spread many new technologies among the Daitōjin, be it the aforementioned firearms, clocks, knowledge of medicine, and a great many other things, but it would also see the spread of religions, most notably Christianity, into Daitō. Of course, due to its close proximity to Ardia, Christianity had seen some presence in the country for centuries, but this was entirely isolated to the borderlands between the two powers. During the Sengoku period, the faith would spread further into the country, with high concentrations of faithful Daitōjin Christians being seen in regions such as modern-day Kihoku and Muoran prefectures. By 1609, it is estimated that nearly 2% of the country's population practiced the faith. But as the Sengoku period wound down, and unity returned to the country, the faith began to face greater and greater pressure, and in time, war would once again break out as the new government, perhaps rightfully fearful of its use as a means of sowing discord on the part of the Ardians, began to look at it with heightened suspicion.
III. — The Return of the Taira

Taira Haruyoshi (c.1551)
   As the country tore itself apart, an old foe of the now-extinct Minamoto began to reemerge among the elite of Daitō. The Taira, those descended from Taira no Takakiyo and Taira no Chikazane, had split from each other, with the descendants of the junior Chikazane-line establishing themselves in Toshikawa following his exile, while those descended from Takakiyo remained among the nobility on the mainland, straddling the line between members of the warrior class and the kuge aristocracy. Being unable to claim the title of Shōgun for themselves, both due to lack of military strength and the position, since the 13th century, requiring descent from the Seiwa Genji, they instead contented themselves in being effectively the power-brokers in Yamato province (modern Tenkyō & Kawachi prefectures), wielding their political power to exert significant influence on the Imperial Court, although they would occasionally come into conflict with the remnants of the Itakura Shōgunate over the years.

   It was these Taira, or "Heishi", who would be responsible, in part, for the rise of the Hachisuka Shōgunate in 1579, playing a role in driving the now-corrupt Itakura from Tenkyō that year. Taira Haruyoshi, the head of the clan at the time as well as Daijō-daijin, was particularly noted for convincing then-Emperor Meireki to declare the Itakura as traitors, in part due to a plot by the last head of the clan, Itakura Yoshimitsu, to, as the Taira had during the Genpei War, abscond with the Imperial Court to a new city, one where they would, in effect, be as hostages to ensure their power. This plot led to the Emperor ordering the clan dissolved, and Haruyoshi, by way of several meetings with the head of the now-powerful Hachisuka clan, Hachisuka Masahiro, would convince the Daimyō in annihilating what remained of them, in effect wiping the family from the face of Mundus. In the end, this would lead to Masahiro being declared Shōgun in 1579, although many in later generations would regret this decision.
IV. — The New Shōgunate

Hachisuka Masahiro, First Shōgun of the Hachisuka Shōgunate (c.1599)
   Despite being appointed Shōgun, Hachisuka Masahiro found that the title itself came with little authority as of 1580. After all, despite controlling vast swathes of territory throughout Daitō, the new Shōgun's authority was far from absolute, with actual power coming by way of his military, as well as diplomatic ties. The task was now upon him and his allies to bring order to the country, and thus, starting in April of 1582, he embarked on a mission to subjugate the provinces not yet under his rule. He would face stiff opposition, winning and losing many battles over the years, but to his dying day, he never gave up on his ambition to unite the nation. However, he would not see this goal to its completion, as though, by 1599, most of the country now swore fealty to him, there were still clans and factions which opposed the Hachisuka. In 1595, the Shimura, Naitō, and Yūki clans formed an alliance to stand against the Shōgunate, while peasant uprisings rocked the country throughout the 1590s as well. When the aged Shōgun, having lived through much of the Sengoku period, breathed his last, and power was transferred to his son, Masashige, it was clear that the end of this era was, at long last, finally in sight.

   By all accounts a natural-born leader, Masashige had played an instrumental role in his family's rise to power. It was he who, in 1579, led his father's armies in the march on Tenkyō, who had fought valiantly in battles across the nation, and who had put down many an uprising through both force of arms and by his quick wit. Almost immediately after taking power, he would embark on a campaign against the this anti-Hachisuka alliance and others, aiming to pacify the provinces they held and finally unify the country under his banner. It would take many years, but by 1609, peace would return, at long last, to the once-fractured Daitō. But not all was well in the country. Old rivalries remained between the clans, while tensions between the faiths began to rise. The Hagi period had begun.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:06:15 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #10 on: April 26, 2023, 05:24:42 PM »
Chapter Ten — The Hagi Period (1609 - 1853 CE)
I. — Overview of the Hagi Period


"The Great Wave off Ninomiya" from 16 Views of Mount Haku
   The Hagi Period, which overlaps with the latter part of the Sengoku period, is frequently dated as having lasted from either 1579 to 1867 or, as is the time frame which we will use, from 1609 to 1867. Due to their importance to modern history, the events of the Bakumatsu (幕末, "End of the bakufu") period will be covered separately in the next chapter. The period marks when the Hachisuka Shōgunate ruled the country alongside nearly 500 regional Daimyō. Emerging from the chaos of the Sengoku period, this era resulted in Daitō experiencing economic growth, a strict social order, an isolationist foreign policy—which was, in part, broken during the Fushiri Wars—and a stable population, and seeing a flowering of the arts and culture. Taking its name from the city of Hagi, now Shinkyō, in the Kantō plain, the period came to an end with the Keiō Restoration and the Boshin War, which restored imperial rule to the country in the late 1860s. Internally, the period saw the power of both the Shōgunate and the Kōgen Heike rise in their respective spheres; the Hachisuka, tightening their grip on the nation, and the Kōgen Heike—the progeny of Taira no Chikazane and named for their relation to Emperor Kōgen (1301 - 1309 CE)—over the aristocracy of Tenkyō, which in those days was merely referred to as "Kyō".
II. — The Tatebayashi Rebellion

Painting of the Tatebayashi Rebellion (c. 1892)
   The introduction of Christianity into Daitō, which coincided with the opening of the country to foreign trade, during the 16th century had brought with it social upheaval during an already troubled time. While some Daimyō would convert alongside their subjects, the vast majority would not, and a great many would view the faith with suspicion, as it was, after all, the faith of the Ardians, and thus potentially a vector by which they could instigate further strife among the Ōnishi. Given the fall of Azukishima in prior decades, their suspicions were heightened, and soon after Hachisuka Masahiro was appointed Shōgun, he too would, in time, begin to share that view. However, although there were these suspicions, during Masahiro's reign, it was by no means a priority; certainly, he sent warnings to Jesuit missionaries, effectively to demonstrate his willingness to be tough on them if needed, but his priority, beyond the unification of the country, was controlling trade. He did this by limiting it to ports in the south of the country, but due to disturbing advice from other, non-Catholic missionaries, he and his heir grew more and more suspicious of them in time. It seemed likely that, as the 16th century turned to the 17th, he would institute a on Christian clergy operating in Daitō, however, in the chaos that followed his death, such a measure was not put into practice. His son, though suspicious of them as well, took a more pragmatic approach and would not launch said persecution either, certainly not on a large scale.

   However, when the third Shōgun, Shigenori, took power, he would differ from his father, seeking to root out the faith once and for all by demanding that any vassal who still clung to the faith convert to Buddhism in 1616, in effect marking the beginning of the Itanjinmon (Inquisition). As a result, tensions between the nascent Kirishitan community and the rest of the country would begin to rise, and by 1619, they would reach a boiling point. The Kirishitan community of Tatebayashi domain (modern Kihoku prefecture) took up arms against the local government in 1623, primarily due to the harsh policies of the local Daimyō, however, it was viewed by many in the Bakufu as confirmation of their fears, especially after reports of Ardian vessels offering materiel support to the rebels. Thus, Shigenori's government, unable to breach the defenses of Tatebayashi castle, now heavily fortified thanks to this aid, turned to the Achkaerinese, seeking the aid of merchants in the region in putting down the rebellion. In exchange, the Shōgunate offered exclusive rights for trade with Daitō through a port in Hatsukaichi, a deal which would remain in place until the mid-19th century. The castle would fall in 1624, ending the rebellion once and for all.

   As a result of the Tatebayashi Rebellion, Shigenori instituted a total ban on the so-called "Decadent Religions" of the Occident, authorizing the Itanjinmon to expand its scope to the common man instead of merely seeking to persuade the daimyō to convert. In many ways, the Itanjinmon would come to resemble the various Inquisitions which had been seen in catholic states at the time, its brutality in stamping out those deemed to be a danger to the state noted in writings at the time. Indeed, it was suggested by correspondences between a number of leaders in surrounding states, primarily Ardia, that it may have been necessary to invade Daitō in order to put an end to the oppression, however, nothing ever came of it. In time, a great many faiths would all but be eradicated in Daitō, whether by execution or exile (with many, curiously, fleeing to Jugland), with the Kirishitan, or Kakure Kirishitan (Hidden Christians) remaining in hiding until the ban on foreign religions was lifted in the early 1870s. While the majority rejoined the Catholic church, a minority remained practicing their syncretic form of the religion, with some still surviving to this day in Ogata, Yakumo, and Kihoku prefectures. In the meantime, the shōgunate effectively isolated the country, banning foreigners (with the exception of Achkaerinese traders through Hatsukaichi) from entering the country under penalty of death in what is termed Sakoku.
III. — Society during the Hagi Period

Working-class district apartments during the Hagi Period
   Throughout the Hagi Period, the social order, based on inherited position rather than personal merits, was rigid and highly formalized. At the top, the Emperor and the Kuge court nobles "ruled" the country, albeit in name, alongside the Shōgun and daimyo. Below them, society was divided into four classes under the mibunsei system: the samurai on top (~5% of the populatiion) and the peasants (~80%) on the second level, followed by the craftsmen and finally, the merchants. Only the peasants lived in rural areas. Samurai, craftsmen and merchants lived in the cities that were built around castle, each restricted to their own quarter. Hagi society existed in an elaborate social order, wherein each family knew its place and its level of prestige. Upwards mobility was limited, though not impossible for most except those deemed outside of the caste system due to their work being seen as impure.

   At the top of the caste system, as previously mentioned, were the Emperor and the Court Nobility, who were seen as invincible and prestige but weak in actual power. Just below them were the Shōgun and the Daimyo, and layers of other feudal lords whose rank was indicated by their closeness to the Hachisuka and who held actual power in the country. Nearly 300 daimyo existed at a time, controlling the "han", or domains, with annual outputs of 50,000 or more bushels of rice. This upper strata can be thanked for elaborate and expensive rituals and other practices, such as the development of elegant architecture, landscaped gardens, Noh drama, and the tea ceremony, as well as frequently being patrons of the arts. Then came the 800,000 warriors, or samurai, in numerous grades and degrees. A few higher-ranking samurai were eligible for higher office, although most were foot-soldiers. Since there was very little fighting outside of the Tatebayashi Rebellion and later a limited involvement in the Fushiri wars, they became civil servants paid by the daimyo and had limited duties. The samurai were affiliated with senior lords in a well-established chain of command. The shogun had 17,000 samurai retainers; the daimyo each had hundreds. The vast majority lived in modest homes close to their lord's residences and headquarters, and for the most part, they lived off hereditary rights and stipends. Together, these these high status groups comprised Daitō's ruling class, comprising close to 6% of the population. The majority of samurai were stripped of their land by the Hachisuka, with it being transferred to the Daimyo outside of border regions and direct vassals of the Shōgun known as Hatamoto.

   Lower classes were divided into two major groups: the peasants, making up 80% of the population, whose high prestige as producers was undercut by their burden as the chief source of taxes. They were illiterate and lived in villages controlled by appointed officials who kept the peace and collected taxes. During this period, examinations were brought back for these officials, although only samurai could qualify for them. Craftsmen and merchants made up the other major group, with the craftsmen, being responsible for the production of goods, holding a higher status than merchants, who did not produce anything of their own. They were typically literate and lived in cities, being restricted to their own districts save during festivals, although some craftsmen did live in the villages. Under the system, the family was the smallest legal entity, and the maintenance of family status and privileges was of great importance at all levels of society. The individual themselves had no separate legal rights.
IV. — Cultural Developments
IVa. Education in Hagi Period Daitō

A Terakoya school
   The second Shōgun, Masashige, established Confucian academies in his shinpan domains, which led to other daimyos following suit and establishing their own han (domain) schools, or hankō. Within a generation, nearly all samurai in Daitō were literate, as their careers in the Hagi period often required knowledge of literary arts. Primarily, these academies were staffed by other samurai, although some Buddhist and Teidō clergymen who were also learned in Neo-Confucianism and the works of Zhu Xi worked in them as well. Beyond kanji, students at these hankō were instructed in the Confucian classics, Ōnishi classics, calligraphy, basic arithmetic, and etiquette. Furthermore, attendees were instructed in various martial arts and other military pursuits at these schools. The chōnin (urban merchants and artisans), on the other hand, frequently patronized neighborhood schools known as terakoya (temple schools). Although these schools were primarily found, as the name suggests, in schools, the curriculum consisted of basic literacy and arithmetic, rather than literary arts or philosophy.

   In Hagi, the shōgunate established several schools under its patronage, most importantly the Neo-Confucian Shōheikō (昌平黌), which acted as a de-facto elite school for its bureaucracy while also creating a large network of alumni across the country. This network is considered by many to have played an important role during the Keiō Restoration. Other than the Shōheikō, other important schools run by the shōgunate included the Wagakukōdansho (和学講談所, "Institute of Lectures of Yamato Classics"), specialized in Daitōjin domestic history and literature which influenced the rise of the kokugaku (national learning) school of thought, and Igakukan (医学間, "Institute of medicine"), which educated doctors in both traditional and, by the start of the 19th century, Occidental medicine as well.

   It is estimated that throughout much of the Hagi period, around 33% of men and 16% of women were literate, although according to some other estimates, as high as 40% of men and as low as 10% of women were capable of reading. What certainly appears to be the case, however, is that by 1800, essentially every member of the samurai class, as well as between 50% and 60% of the chōnin (craftsmen and merchants) and nōmin were literate, giving Daitō one of the most literate populations on Mundus at the time. Some historians credit Daitō's relatively high literacy rates with its rapid development after the Keiō Restoration. Since the literacy rate was so high that many people could read, books of various genres such as cooking, gardening, travel guides, art books, scripts of bunraku (puppet theatre), kibyōshi (satirical novels), sharebon (books on urban culture), kokkeibon (comical books), ninjōbon (romance novels), yohimon and kusazōshi were published. Yomiuri and kawaraban, early newspapers, became popular in the early Hagi period and would remain a staple of urban life throughout it. There were between 600 and 800 rental bookshops in Hagi, and people often borrowed or bought these woodblock prints.
IVb. Art, Culture, and Entertainment

The March 1846 Production of Shibaraku at the Kawarazaki-za theatre in Hagi
   Following the end of the Sengoku period and due to the development of the economy, many crafts of high artistic value were produced. Among the samurai, arms came to be treated as works of art, with Daitōjin sword mountings and armor, beautifully decorated with lacquer of the maki-e techniques and metal engravings, becoming popular. Each domain promoted the production of crafts in order to bolster their finances, and crafts such as furnishings and inro, decorated with lacquer, metal or ivory, became popular among the wealthy. The Kubota domain (Chibu prefecture), ruled during the period by the Sakai clan, was particularly enthusiastic about promoting the arts, and the area still boasts a reputation for its crafts to this day, even surpassing Tenkyō in that regard. The Rinpa school of art became popular during the Hagi period, being noted for its highly decorative and showy designs which use gold and silver leaves, bold compositions with simplified objects, repeated patterns, and a "playful spirit".

   For the first time, urban populations during the Hagi period had means and leisure time to support a new mass culture. Their pursuit of enjoyment became known as ukiyo ("the Floating World"), an ideal world of fashion, popular entertainment, and the discovery of aesthetic qualities in objects and actions of everyday life. This increased interest in pursuing recreational activities aided in developing a wide array of new industries, many of which could be found in an area known as Kuramae. Kuramae was known for being the center of Hagi's developing sense of elegance and refinement, however, it also had another purpose. Established in 1615, it served as the city's shōgunate-sanctioned red light district, keeping this designation for 253 years.

   Professional female entertainers (geisha), music, popular stories, kabuki and bunraku theatre, poetry, a rich literature, and fine art, exemplified by extravagant woodblock prints, were all a part of the flowering of culture seen during the Hagi period. Literature also flourished, as seen with the works of playwright Chikamatsu Monzaemon, as well as the poet, essayist, and travel-writer Matsuo Bashō. The Hagi period saw the development of kabuki theatre, with several forms appearing throughout it. Some, such as shibaraku, were only performed at specific times during the year, while some companies only performed for the nobility. Fashion trends, the satirization of local news, and advertisements were often part of kabuki theatre as well. Many among the common people also enjoyed rakugo, comical stories, and kōdan, historical stories as well, with these being performed in a specialized theatre known as a yose.

   Travel became popular among people owing to both improvements on the road network and post towns, as well as the revitalization and expansion of the Grand Canal, which allowed for relatively cheap travel between Hagi and the Mutsu sea. The most common destinations were famous temples and shrines around the country, and eating and drinking at the inns, as well as prostitution at some locations, were major attractions. What people admired the most, however, was the visit to Meiwa Grand Shrine and the summit of Mount Haku, which are considered the most sacred places in Daitō. The Meiwa Grand Shrine in particular was visited by a massive number of visitors over the years. Historical documents record that close to 3.8 million people visited the shrine in 50 days in 1625. 1.9 million visited in just three days during the Shikinen Sengu festival in 1829. This festival was considered a once-in-a-lifetime event for people in rural areas, and a result, many villages set up a joint fund, saved their travel expenses, and went on a group trip. Local residents around Meiwa Grand Shrine and Mount Haku used to send specialized advertising personnel to various parts of Daitō in order to solicit trips to the sites in order to make money from tourism.
V. — The Kishi War

An Ardian Vessel bombards Setouchi during the Kishi War
   The Kishi War, alternatively known as the War of 1853 or the Ardo-Daitōjin War, was a conflict between the Ardian Empire and the Hachisuka Shōgunate which marked both the end of Sakoku and the beginning of the Bakumatsu period. Initially started as the result of an Ardian officer, one Captain Jean-Jacques Comtois, being killed after mistakenly entering the country while on patrol in 1852, something which was a criminal offense punishable by death in those days, it would spiral out of control as neither side of the conflict was willing to negotiate; Daitō, for its part, would not meet with the Ardians due to its policy of isolation, while the Ardians demanded compensation for their governor's death. With no accommodation seeming likely, the Emperor of Ardia, Augustin II Devaux, ordered that the army be mobilized in March, 1853, before ultimately declaring war on the 3rd of April. Word would be passed through an envoy passing from Hatsukaichi, reaching the Shōgun, Hachisuka Hiromitsu, later that month. Likewise, he ordered for his forces to be mobilized, and the two armies would clash in the Yamanori Valley.

   On one side, the modern forces of the Ardian Empire stood, the pinnacle of military power in those days. On the other, the eclectic forces of the Shōgunate and its various domains, which saw forces who wore anything from relatively modern Achkaerinese-made uniforms to armor dating back to the 16th century and, on occasion, carrying bows and swords when guns were unavailable. It was clear that the isolation which the Hachisuka had put the Empire into had come back to bite them, as battle after battle and defeat after defeat pushed the shōgunate's forces closer and closer to Saitō. It was clear that victory was impossible, and so, on the 26th of October, 1853, representatives of the bakufu signed a humiliating peace treaty with the Ardians, the first of a few "unequal treaties", as scholars refer to them, which saw the Yamanori valley and part of the Tanzawa Mountains ceded to the Ardian Empire, the opening of several treaty ports across the country wherein Ardian citizens could permanently reside, fixed low import-export duties which were subject to international control, extraterritoriality for foreign citizens, and essentially the opening of the country to foreigners as a whole. The treaty, known as the Treaty of Saitō, marked the beginning of the Bakumatsu period and the final days of the shōgunate.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:07:21 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #11 on: April 28, 2023, 08:34:01 AM »
Chapter Eleven — The Bakumatsu Era and the Boshin War (1853 - 1871 CE)
I. — Ill Omens


Clockwise from left: The Shōhei Maru, Arase Haruchika, the Assassination of Ina Yasukata during the Kitahanebashimon Incident (1860), a foreign trading house in Okayama (1861), 1861 image expressing the Jōi (攘夷, "Expel the Barbarians") sentiment.
   In the aftermath of the Kishi War, the Hachisuka Shōgunate had been left in a precarious position, humiliated by its crushing defeat and the subsequent treaties signed by the various great powers (and a few minor powers) of the day. As a defeated power, the terms given by the Ardians, later mirrored by other countries in the coming decade, mandated the exchange of diplomatic agents, the establishment of several trading ports across the country alongside Hatsukaichi, most notably in Okayama, Imabari, Awara, and Hagi, the ability for foreign citizens to live and trade at will in those ports, that a system of extraterritoriality that provided for the subjugation of foreign residents to the laws of their own consular courts instead of the Daitōjin legal system be established, fixed low import-export duties which were subject to international control, and that Daitō be able to buy foreign shipping and weapons, the last term of which was exclusively between Daitō and the Empire of Achkaerin, formalizing the underground arms trade that had existed in previous decades. The requirement of extraterritoriality and fixed low import-export duties effectively prevented the government from asserting control over foreign trade and the protection of national industries.

   The defeat of the Shōgunate during the war was ultimately but one of many factors that contributed to the turmoil in the following years. Notably, though merely a matter of coincidence, the years 1854 and 1855 saw a dramatic series of earthquakes strike the country. Known as the Hōji Great Earthquakes, 130 major and minor temblors struck the country over the course of less than two years including the 8.4 magnitude 1854 Tōkai earthquake, which struck on the 21st of October, the 8.4 magnitude Satsunan earthquake which struck the day after, and the 6.9 magnitude Hagi earthquake which struck in 1855. Incidentally, the Tōkai earthquake and subsequent tsunami struck the city of Sakata, located on the Miura peninsula which bounds the western and southern part of the Nakaumi Gulf. Sakata had, at the time, been selected as a prospective location for a Tytorian consulate, and its destruction inevitably led to some construing the natural disasters as demonstration of the displeasure of the gods. As the earthquakes were blamed by many Daitōjin on a giant catfish, the Namazu, thrashing about, Ukiyo-e prints depicting it became popular during this time.
II. — The Crisis of the 1850s
IIa. The Collapse of the Daitōjin Economy

Allegorical painting depicting inflation and soaring prices during the Bakumatsu era.
   Of course, earthquakes alone could not have brought about the chaos seen during the Bakumatsu era. Rather, such disasters, while detrimental, were only an added complication to an already ailing state. The end of sakoku and the opening of Daitō to uncontrolled foreign trade brought massive economic instability. While some prospered, a great many others went bankrupt. Unemployment rose alongside inflation, something which was not helped by major famines which struck the country and drove the cost of food up considerably. Incidents between brash foreigners, deemed as one contemporary writer put it to be "foreign devils", occurred frequently with the natives as well, which only served to exacerbate these issues.

   Daitō's monetary system, based on Hachisuka coinage, also broke down. Traditionally, the exchange rate between gold and silver in the country was set at 1:5, while international rates were of the order of 1:15. This led to massive purchases of gold by foreigners, and ultimately, it forced Daitōjin authorities to devalue their currency. There was a massive outflow of gold from Daitō as these foreigners rushed to exchange their silver for "token" slver Daitōjin coinage and again exchange these against gold, giving a 200% profit to the transaction. It is estimated that in 1860, 5 million ryōs—roughly 87.5 tons—worth of gold thus left Daitō, effectively destroying its gold standard system and forcing it to return to a weight-based system with International rates. The Shōgunate instead responded to the crises by debasing the gold content of its coins by two thirds, so as to match foreign gold-silver exchange ratios. Further economic woes would be faced as outbreaks of cholera occurred in major ports, brought to the country by foreigners.
IIb. The Political and Social Crises

Depiction of an attack on the Achkaerinese legation in Hagi, July 1861
   Arase Haruchika, who at the time was serving as chairman of the senior councilors for the shōgun and had negotiated a number of treaties with foreign powers in the aftermath of the Kishi War, found himself losing the support of several key daimyos. When Hachisuka Umanosuke, the lord of Yunagaya domain and a close relative to the Shōgun, opposed a new treaty in 1855, Haruchika sought imperial sanction for it instead. The court officials, sensing the weakness of the bakufu, rejected his request, which resulted in his resignation, and thus embroiled both Tenkyō and the Emperor himself in Daitō's internal politics for the first time in many centuries. When the Shōgun died in 1858, he left behind no heir, and thus, Umanosuke appealed to the court for support of his own son, Hachisuka Yoshikane, a reformist candidate supported by both the shinpan and tozama daimyos. The fudai won out in the power struggle, however, installing the thirteen year old Hachisuka Kanematsu as Shōgun. As a result of his age, it was perceived that the new Shōgun would be easily influenced by Tairō Ina Yasukata, who would have both Umanosuke and Yoshikane placed under house arrest, as well as having Tabuchi Kazunari (a prominent sonnō-jōi intellectual who had opposed the Ardian treaty and plotted a revolution against the bakufu) executed in what would become known as the Hōji Purge.

   Ina Yasukata, who had signed some of the treaties and had tried to eliminate opposition to Occidentalization with the Hōji Purge, was himself murdered in February 1860 in the Kitahanebashimon Incident. A servant of the resident Seaforthian minister was attacked near the end of that year. On the 16th of February, 1861, the Secretary to the Achkaerinese mission was attacked and murdered, while 11th of June that same year, a trio of samurai stormed the Tytorian legation, resulting in two deaths. During this period, it is said that one foreigner was killed every month within Daitō, while the Kamaishi incident in August 1862 forced the great powers to act so as to protect their citizens and guarantee the implementation of treaty provisions, which was only reinforced by the burning of an Ardian consulate in Awara in September. Between the 18th and 20th of October, 1862, an Ardian flotilla bombarded the port of Awara in an effort to extract compensation and legal justice from the daimyō of Sanuki domain over the burning of their consulate, which had been conducted under the daimyō’s orders. Though an exact estimate of casualties from the bombardment cannot be given, it is believed to have been upwards of 500 Daitōjin citizens, all at the cost of just one Ardian vessel being sunk and two taking damage. As the flotilla failed to see its demands met, it withdrew, with both sides claiming victory on that day. The attack nonetheless led to further disdain for the Occident building within the country.
III. — Sonnō Jōi (1863 - 1866)
IIIa. Declarations

Daitōjin cannons firing upon Foreign shipping in Imabari in 1863
   Belligerent opposition to Occidental influence further erupted into open conflict when Emperor Go-Jishō, breaking with centuries of imperial tradition, began to take an active role in matters of state and issued, on the 11th of March and again on the 16th of April, 1863, his "Order to expel barbarians" (攘夷実行の勅命, jōi jikkō no chokumei). The Soga clan of Kihoku, under Lord Soga Toshihira, followed the order and began to take actions to expel all foreigners from the date fixed as a deadline (May 16th on the lunar calendar). Openly defiant against the orders of the shōgunate, Toshihira ordered his forces to fire without warning on all foreign ships which entered Daitōjin waters. Under pressure from the Emperor, the Shōgun was forced to issue a declaration promulgating the end of relations with foreigners. The order was forwarded to foreign legations by Kamei Teruaki on the 27th of June, 1863, which read, quote,
   "The orders of the Emperor, received from Tenkyō, are to the effect that the ports are to be closed and the foreigners driven out, because the people of the country do not desire intercourse with foreign countries.”

   This declaration was, suffice to say, not viewed in a positive light, and as a result, many thought of it as being tantamount to a declaration of war against the whole of the treaty powers.

   But before we can continue, perhaps it would be prudent to discuss Sonnō Jōi itself. Sonnō Jōi (尊王攘夷, "Revere the Emperor, Expel the barbarians") was a yojijukugo (four-letter compound) phrase used as a rallying cry and slogan of a political movement in Daitō in 1850s and 1860s during the Bakumatsu period. Based on Neo-Confucianism and Ōnishi nativism, the movement sought to overthrow the Hachisuka Shōgunate and restore control of the nation to the Emperor. The philosophy behind it can be traced to works by 17th century Yamato-Ōnishi Confucian scholars, who wrote on the sanctity of the Imperial House and its superiority to the ruling houses of other nations. These ideas were later expanded by Kokugaku scholar Kawakatsu Yahiro, and is seen in Kutsuki Otohiko’s theory of absolute loyalty to the Emperor, and implied that less loyalty should be given to the ruling Hachisuka Shōgunate. However, it was Kikaigaku scholar Ukita Sadazane who actually introduced the term Sonnō Jōi into modern Ōnishi with his work, Shinron, in 1825 where "sonnō" was regarded as the reverence expressed by the Hachisuka Shōgunate to the Emperor and "Jōi" was the proscription of Christianity. As Daitō began to stabilize, and especially after the overthrow of the Hachisuka, the sonnō jōi slogan was replaced with fukoku kyōhei, or “enrich the nation, strengthen the armies”, the rallying cry of the Keiō era. The slogan itself was never actually government policy, though it enjoyed favor among some rebellious factions. As a matter of fact, many of its most outspoken proponents wound up building the closest ties with the Occident, purchasing weapons, ships, and other technology in the buildup towards the Restoration.
IIIb. Foreign Intervention against Sonnō Jōi

Seaforthian forces take possession of cannons on the Tsugaru Peninsula, 1863
   The two ringleaders of the opposition to the Shōgunate were from Kihoku and Jōshū domains, two of the strongest tozama anti-Shōgunate domains in Hagi-period Daitō. Kihoku military leaders Nishiōji Haruyoshi and Mizuno Sadatoshi were brought together with Katsura Takayoshi of Kihoku, notably through the efforts of Nabeshima Haruichi. As these regions had been involved in attacks on foreign shipping, treaty forces decided to mount direct military expeditions against Jōshū and Kihoku. On the morning of July 18th, 1863, an Ardian frigate sailed into the Hōyo Strait, not too far from Tenkyō, and single-handedly engaged the fleet there. For nearly two hours, the vessel did battle with local forces, sinking one vessel and severely damaging two others, killing 40. In exchange, the Ardian vessel suffered extensive damage, with eleven crew dead or wounded. Only two weeks later, on the heels of this deployment, a Seaforthian landing force of two warships and 250 men swept along the coast of the Tsugaru Peninsula in Kihoku, destroying a small town alongside an artillery emplacement.

   In what is certainly a twist of fate, the Achkaerinese-led campaign in Jōshū actually wound up being the start of a close relationship between the region and Achkaerin, as although payment had to be made for damages to shipping, negotiations persisted, allowing for the province to commission a number of steam warships. One can argue that this particular conflict actually laid the groundwork for future Achkaerinese-Daitōjin cooperation, as the country lent aid to Imperial forces during the Boshin war, primarily in the form of firearms and uniforms. From the very start, Jōshū had generally been in favor of the opening and modernization of Daitō. Although recent incidents had been seen as unfortunate, they were not taken to be characteristic of Jōshū’s policy, instead being branded as an example of anti-foreign sonnō jōi sentiment, and as justification for a strong Occidental show of force.

   Following these successes against the imperial movement in Daitō, the Hachisuka Shōgunate was able to reassert a level of primacy at the end of 1864. The traditional policy of sankin-kōtai was reinstated, and remnants of the rebellions of 1863-64 as well as the Shishi movement were brutally suppressed throughout the land. The military interventions by foreign powers once again proved that Daitō was no military match against the great powers of the day, and as a result, the sonnō jōi movement lost its initial impetus. The structural weakness of the shōgunate remained an issue, however, and the focus of opposition would, as a result, then shift to creating a strong government under a single authority.
IIIc. Rebellions and Further Intervention
   Between April 1864 and September 1866, Daitō saw a number of minor rebellions which sought to overthrow the shōgunate in the name of the Emperor and the ideals of Sonnō Jōi. Notable examples include the Odate Rebellion in April 1864 and the August 1864 Kenshunmon Gate Incident, wherein troops from Kihoku Domain attempted to seize Tenkyō in order to take control of the Emperor and restore the Imperial household to its position of political superiority. Though they were not involved, the clans which ruled Odate and Kihoku were held responsible, with punitive expeditions by Shōgunate forces being conducted in the aftermath. Meanwhile, as the shōgunate proved incapable of paying the indemnity demanded by foreign nations for the intervention in the Hōyo channel, the treaty powers agreed to reduce the amount in exchange for the ratification of the treaties of 1858 by the Emperor and a lowering of customs tariffs to a uniform 5%. In order to press their demands more forcefully, a squadron of Ardian warships were sent to the harbor of Hatsukaichi in October 1865. Other displays of force were made by foreign forces until the Emperor finally agreed to change his total opposition to the Treaties by formally allowing the shōgun to handle negotiations. An agreement providing for the tariff reduction was signed in July, 1866.

   These conflicts led to the realization that conflict with the Occident was no longer a solution for Daitō, which had fallen behind militarily and economically while the country was closed off. As the shōgunate continued its modernization efforts, so too did those who wished to oppose them, to bring about Imperial restoration.
IV. — The End of the Shōgunate
IVa. Modernization

Colored photo of Hagi in 1867
   During the final years of the bakufu, the shōgunate took strong measures to try to reassert its dominance, although its involvement with modernization and foreign powers was to make it a target of anti-Occidental sentiment throughout the country. Naval students were sent to study in foreign naval schools for several years, starting a tradition of foreign-educated future military leaders. Foreign naval engineers were likewise hired to build naval arsenals, such as those at Ichihara and Okuma. By the end of the Hachisuka bakufu, the navy of the Shōgun already possessed eight occidental-style steam warships which were used against imperial forces during the Boshin war. Both pro-Shōgunate and pro-Imperial forces would import weapons in the final years, with the Shōgunate buying from the Ardians, while the pro-Imperial forces would be heavily supplied by the Achkaerinese. The nascent Daitōjin arms industry would be expanded as well, with the Tenkyō-based Kyō Arsenal producing a licensed copy of the M-1841 Zündnadelgewehr, the "Type 37 Rifle", among other arms used by both sides.

   With the premature death of Hachisuka Kanematsu in 1866, Hachisuka Yoshikane, now freed after the assassination of Ina Yasukata in 1860, became the head of the Hachisuka Shōgunate. Likewise, Emperor Go-Jishō fell ill with pneumonia in late 1866 and died on the 2nd of January, passing the throne to his second son, Prince Kanehito, as Emperor Keiō. Seeing the writing on the wall, Yoshikane attempted to reorganize the government under the Emperor while preserving the Shōgun's leadership role, a system dubbed kōbu gattai. Fearing the growing power of the Kihoku and Jōshū daimyos, other daimyos called for returning the shōgun's political power to the Emperor and a council of daimyos headed by the former Hachisuka shōgun. With the threat of an imminent Kihoku-Jōshū led military action, Kanematsu moved pre-emptively by surrendering some of his previous authority, hoping it would placate them.
IVb. The Boshin War

Samurai in Occidental clothing
   The Boshin War (戊辰戦争, Boshin Sensō, lit. “War of the Year of the Yang Earth Dragon”), sometimes known as the Daitōjin Revolution or the Daitōjin Civil War, was a civil war in Daitō fought from 1868 to 1871 between forces of the ruling Hachisuka Shōgunate and a coalition of Imperial loyalists and reformers. Born out of dissatisfaction in the ruling Hachisuka clan, among many nobles and young samurai over its handling of foreigners in the previous decades, its catalyst was in the Kishi War. Increasing Occidental influence led to a decline in the government’s power, and as a result, an alliance of daimyos, left disaffected by the bakufu, alongside court officials secured control over the Imperial Court and influenced the young Emperor Keiō. Hachisuka Yoshikane, the sitting shōgun, realizing the futility of his situation, abdicated and handed over political power to the Emperor. Yoshikane had hoped that by doing this the Hachisuka clan could be preserved and participate in the future government. What he did not know, however, was that in late 1867, a secret order was created by the leaders of Kihoku and Jōshū in the name of Emperor Keiō commanding the "slaughtering of the traitorous subject Yoshikane".

   While Yoshikane's resignation had created a nominal void at the highest level of government, his apparatus of state continued to exist. Moreover, the shōgunate government, the Hachisuke clan in particular, remained a prominent force in the evolving political order and retained many executive powers. Indeed, some historians speculate that Yoshikane may have resigned and agreed on an assembly of daimyos in the hope that they would restore him, a prospect hard-liners from Kihoku and Jōshū found intolerable. On the 3rd of January, events came to a head when these elements seized the imperial palace in Tenkyō, and the following day had the fifteen-year-old Emperor Keiō declare his own full restoration to power. Although the majority of the imperial consultative assembly, representing all of the domains, were left happy by this turn of events and hoped for collaboration with the Hachisuka, Nishiōji Haruyoshi threatened the assembly into abolishing the title "shōgun" and ordering the confiscation of Yoshikane's lands. Initially, Yoshikane was willing to abide by these demands, however, on the 17th of January, he reversed course and declared that he would not be bound by the Restoration proclamation and called for its repeal, while a few days later, he would decide to prepare an attack on Tenkyō, a plan which was prompted by a series of arsons in Hagi.

   On the 26th of January, shōgunate forces struck marched out from Aishō Castle, not far from Tenkyō. Numbering nearly 33,000, they were primarily comprised of troops from Oyumi and Sabae domains, but were reinforced by shinsengumi irregulars and were led by Yamana Tsuneyoshi. At the settlements of Toba and Fushimi, some 26 kilometers from the capital, they were met by the combined forces of the Kijō alliance—the combined forces of Kihoku and Jōshū domains—which numbered just 11,000 and were formally led by Prince Arisugawa Yoshihito, although in actuality command was delegated to Nishiōji Haruyoshi and Satake Katsumori as he did not arrive until the final day of the battle. Though they had numbers on their side, much of the Shōgun's forces still used outdated weaponry, with some units still being armed with only pikes and swords, while Imperial Forces were largely equipped with modern firearms. For four days, the battle raged, seeing a total of 3,236 killed or wounded on both sides. It was only with the arrival of Prince Arisugawa’s forces, three-thousand strong, which coincided with the hoisting of the Nishiki-no-Mihata flag, the Emperor’s standard, over the Kijō alliance's lines, marking any who struck against them as traitors to the Emperor. Their morale boosted, the Imperial forces drew their swords and charged the enemy lines, sending the Hachisuka and their allies into a retreat, first to Aishō Castle, and then, when it fell, to Hagi. They were once again dislodged later in the year following the "Canal Campaign."

   On the 22nd of October, 1868, the Imperial Court moved to Hagi, renaming the city Shinkyō and marking the end of over a millennium of nearly-uninterrupted rule from Tenkyō. Over the course of the next few years, the Shōgunate would be pushed further and further back towards Awara, and by the 11th of February, 1871, the Boshin War had come to a close, with the Imperial Court winning out. The Restoration had been made complete. But though the Emperor once more ruled the country, conflicts yet emerged between traditionalist Samurai and modernists in the Imperial faction. A rift had also formed between Nishiōji Haruyoshi and Heishi Tomoshige, Chancellor of the Realm, and discontent yet remained in the provinces, eventually leading to a number of rebellions throughout the 1870s. But for now, some semblance of peace had returned to the country. The time had come for the old Empire to rise anew.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:09:32 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #12 on: April 30, 2023, 05:31:15 AM »
Chapter Twelve — The Keiō Era to the Ardian Continental War (1869 - 1914 CE)
I. — Keiō Restoration


Clockwise: Emperor Keiō (c.1870), Isahaya in the 1880s, Promulgation of the Constitution (c.1889), Nishiōji Haruyoshi during the Kihoku Rebellion (c.1877)
   The Keiō era (慶応時代) was an era of Daitōjin history which lasted from the 2nd of January, 1867 until the 20th of November, 1932. Spanning sixty-five years, it was the first period of what is considered the Empire of Daitō, when the Daitōjin people moved from being a semi-feudal society at risk of colonization by foreign powers to the new paradigm of a modern, industrialized nation state and an emergent great power, influenced by Occidental scientific, technological, philosophical, political, legal, and aesthetic ideas. As a result of such wholesale adoption of radically different ideas, the changes to Daitō were profound, affecting its social structure, internal politics, economy, military, and foreign relations. During the reign of Emperor Keiō, the Empire would achieve it's first major victories over the Ardian Empire during the Ardian Continental War (東亜大陸戦争, Tōa Tairikusensō), which lasted from 1914 to 1918.

   One of the first acts of the "Keiō Restoration" (慶応維新, Keiō Ishin) was the adoption of the "Charter Oath" (五箇条の御誓文, Gokajō no Goseimon), more literally translated as the "Oath in Five Articles", which was promulgated on the 1st of April, 1868 in the Tenkyō Imperial Palace. The oath outlined the main aims and the course of action to be followed during Emperor Keiō's reign, setting the legal stage for Daitō's modernization. It also established a process of urbanization as people of all classes were free to both and move and change jobs, and as a result, a great many people to the city for better work, while others began settling in Daitō's far west and north in the following decades. It remained influential, albeit less for governing than inspiring, throughout the Keiō era, and is generally considered to have been the first constitution of modern Daitō. Its five provisions were as follows:
Quote from: the Charter Oath
   By this oath, we set up as our aim the establishment of the national wealth on a broad basis and the framing of a constitution and laws.
      1.) Deliberative assemblies shall be widely established and all matters decided by open discussion.
      2.) All classes, high and low, shall be united in vigorously carrying out the administration of affairs of state.
      3.) The common people, no less than the civil and military officials, shall all be allowed to pursue their own calling so that there may be no discontent.
      4.) Evil customs of the past shall be broken off and everything based upon the just laws of Nature.
      5.) Knowledge shall be sought throughout the world so as to strengthen the foundation of imperial rule.

   Implicit within the Charter Oath was an end to exclusive political rule by the shōgunate and a move toward more democratic participation in government. To implement the Charter Oath, a rather short-lived constitution with just eleven articles was drawn up in 1868. Besides providing for a new Council of State, legislative bodies, and systems of ranks for nobles and officials, it limited office tenure to four years, allowed public balloting, provided for a new taxation system, and ordered new local administrative rules. The Keiō government assured the foreign powers that it would follow the old treaties negotiated with the shōgunate and announced that it would act in accordance with international law. To further dramatize the new order being put in place, the capital was relocated from Tenkyō, which had been the capital since 793, to Shinkyō, which, as has been mentioned previously, was formerly named Hagi. Confirmed in their hereditary positions, the daimyo became governors, and the central government assumed their administrative expenses and paid them stipends in accordance with their old rank. The domains were replaced by prefectures in 1871, and authority continued to flow to the national government. Officials from the favored former domains, such as Kihoku, Jōshū, Tottori, and Hirosaki staffed the new ministries, and formerly old court nobles and lower-ranking samurai replaced shōgunate appointees and daimyo as a new ruling class formed.

   In as much as the Keiō Restoration had had sought to return the Emperor to a preeminent position, efforts were made to establish a Teidō-oriented state much like it had been 1,000 years prior. Since Teidō and Buddhism had molded into a syncretic belief in the previous thousand years and Buddhism had been closely connected with the old shōgunate, this involved the separation of Teidō and Buddhism as well as the associated destruction of Buddhist temples and related violence. Furthermore, a new State Teidō had to be constructed for this purpose. In 1870, the Office of Teidō Worship was established, ranking even above the Council of State in importance. The kokutai ideas of the Kikai school were embraced, and the divine ancestry of the Imperial House was emphasized. The government supported Teidō teachers, a small but important move. Although the Office of Teidō Worship was demoted in 1872, by 1877, the Home Ministry controlled all Teidō Shrines and certain Teidō sects were given state recognition. Teidō was released from Buddhist administration and its properties were restored. Although Buddhism suffered from state sponsorship of Teidō, it had its own resurgence in the Keiō era. Christianity was also legalized, having faced significant persecution throughout the late-16th, 17th, and early-to-mid-19th centuries, while Confucianism remained an important ethical doctrine. Increasingly, however, Daitōjin thinkers identified with Occidental ideology and methods.
II. — Politics in the early Keiō era
IIa. The Keiō oligarchy

Left: Heishi Tomoshige, Right: Itagaki Kunitake
   The Keiō oligarchy was the new ruling class of Keiō period Daitō. In Ōnishi, this group is referred to as the domain clique (藩閥, hambatsu). The members of this class were adherents of kokugaku and believed they were the creators of a new order as grand as that established by the Empire’s original founders. Three of the major figures were Heishi Tomoshige, Nishiōji Haruyoshi, and Mizuno Sadatoshi. Heishi Tomoshige, the father of the more famous Toshikatsu Heishi, was serving as Chancellor of the Realm at the time of the restoration, and following that title's abolition, would serve many years as Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal. Mizuno became Minister of Finance and Nishiōji, for his part, became a field marshal; both were imperial councilors. Also prominent were Matsukata Tarō, a Tenkyō native who went on to become the first ambassador to Achkaerin, and Itagaki Kunitake, a student of Seiyō kenkyū, Lijiangian, and English, who held various ministerial portfolios before becoming Prime Minister in 1908.

   In order to achieve the new order's goals, the Keiō oligarchy set out to abolish the four divisions of society through a series of economic and social reforms. Hachisuka shōgunate revenues had depended on taxes on Hachisuka and other daimyo-held lands, loans from wealthy peasants and urban merchants, limited customs fees, and reluctantly accepted foreign loans. To provide revenue and develop a sound infrastructure, the new government financed harbor improvements, lighthouses, machinery imports, schools, overseas studies for students, salaries for foreign teachers and advisors, the modernization of the army and navy, railroads and telegraph networks, and foreign diplomatic missions, such as the Matsukata mission.

   Difficult economic times, manifested by increasing incidents of agrarian rioting, led to calls for social reforms. In addition to the old high rents, taxes, and interest rates, the average citizen was faced with cash payments for new taxes, military conscription, and tuition charges for newly introduced compulsory education. The people needed more time for productive pursuits while correcting social abuses of the past. To achieve these reforms, the old Hachisuka class system of samurai, farmer, artisan, and merchant were abolished by 1871, and, even though old prejudices and status consciousness continued, all were theoretically equal before the law. Actually helping to perpetuate social distinctions, the government named new social divisions: the former daimyo became peerage nobility, the samurai became gentry, and all others became commoners. Daimyo and samurai pensions were paid off in lump sums, and the samurai later lost their exclusive claim to military positions. Former samurai found new pursuits as bureaucrats, teachers, army officers, police officials, journalists, colonialists in the northern and western parts of Daitō, bankers, and businessmen. These occupations helped stem some of the discontent this large group felt; some profited immensely, but most were not successful and provided significant opposition in the ensuing years.

   The 1874 Dalseom crisis resulted in the resignation of military expedition proponents Nishiōji and Councillor of State Takasugi Shonan. Takasugi, the founder of various patriotic organizations, conspired with other discontented elements to start an armed insurrection against government troops in Eiheiji, the capital of his native Kawachi prefecture, in 1874. Charged with suppressing the revolt, Mizuno swiftly crushed Takasagi, who had appealed unsuccessfully to Nishiōji for aid. Three years later, the last major armed uprising—the most serious challenge to the Keiō government—took shape in the Tottori Rebellion, this time with Nishiōji playing an active role. The Komatsu Rebellion and other agrarian and samurai uprisings mounted in protest to the Keiō reforms had been easily put down by the army. Tottori’s former samurai were numerous, however, and they had a long tradition of opposition to central authority. Nishiōji, who had moved to the prefecture in previous years, with some reluctance and only after more widespread dissatisfaction with the Keiō reforms, raised a rebellion in 1877, joined by many disaffected samurai from his home Jōshū prefecture as well as Tottori. Both sides fought well, but the modern weaponry and better financing of the government forces ended the Tottori Rebellion. Although he was defeated and committed suicide, Nishiōji was not branded a traitor and became a heroic figure in Daitōjin history. The suppression of the Tottori Rebellion marked the end of serious threats to the Keiō regime but was sobering to the oligarchy. The fight drained the national treasury, led to serious inflation, and forced land values—and badly needed taxes—down. Most importantly, calls for reform were renewed.
IIb. The Path to a Constitution

Illustration of the House of Peers
   Ever since the Keiō Restoration, A notable proponent was Maeda Akinari, a powerful Kihoku leader who had resigned from the Council of State over the Dalseom Affair in 1874. Unlike some of his peers, Maeda sought peaceful, rather than rebellious, means to gain a voice in the government. He started a school and a movement aimed at establishing a constitutional monarchy and a legislative assembly. Such movements were called the “Freedom and Civic Rights Movement”. Maeda and others wrote the Kihoku Memorial in 1874, criticizing the unbridled power of the oligarchy and calling for the immediate establishment of representative government. Dissatisfied with the pace of reform and having rejoined the Council of State in 1875, Maeda organized his followers and other democratic proponents into the nationwide Aikokusha, or Society of Patriots, to push for representative government in 1876. In 1881, in an action which he is best known, Maeda helped to found the Jiyūtō, the liberal party, which was the first nationwide political party in Daitōjin history. This was followed in 1881 with the establishment of the Rikken Kaishintō, the Constitutional Progressive Party, which called for a constitutional democracy. In response, government bureaucrats, local government officials, and other conservatives banded together to form the Rikken Teiseitō, the Imperial Rule Party, in 1882. Numerous political demonstrations followed, some of which turned violent, resulting in further government restrictions. The restrictions hindered the political parties and led to divisions within and among them. The Jiyūtō, which had opposed the Kaishintō, was disbanded in 1884, and the Kaishintō saw its leadership change.

   Government officials, long preoccupied with violent threats to stability and the serious leadership slit over the Dalseom Affair, generally agreed that constitutional government should someday be established. The former chancellor, Heishi Tomoshige, had favored a constitutional form of government since before 1874, and several proposals for constitutional guarantees had been drafted. While acknowledging the realities of political pressure, however, the oligarchy was determined to keep control. Thus, modest steps were taken. The Okayama conference  in 1875 resulted in the reorganization of government with an independent judiciary and an appointed Chamber of Elders tasked with reviewing proposals for a legislature. The Emperor declared that “constitutional government shall be established in gradual stages” as he ordered the Council of Elders to draft a constitution. Three years later, the Conference of Prefectural Governors established elected prefectural assemblies. Although limited in their authority, these assemblies represented a move in the direction of representative government on a national level, and by 1880, assemblies also had been formed in villages and towns. In 1880, delegates from thirty-two prefectures held a national convention to establish the Kokkai Kisei Dōmei, the League for the Establishment of a National Assembly. Although the government was not opposed to parliamentary rule, confronted with the drive for “people’s rights”, it continued to try to control the political situation. In 1875, new laws were established prohibiting press criticism of the government or discussion of national laws. The 1880 Public Assembly Law severely limited public gatherings by disallowing attendance by civil servants and requiring police permission for all meetings.

   Within the ruling circle, however, and despite the conservative approach of the leadership, Maeda Akinari continued to advocate for an Achkaerinese-styled government, a government with political parties and a cabinet established by the majority party, answerable to the national assembly. He called for elections to be held by 1882 and for a national assembly to be convened in 1883; in doing so, he precipitated a political crisis that ended in an 1881 Imperial rescript declaring the establishment of a national assembly in 1890 and dismissing Maeda. Rejecting the Achkaerinese model, Matsukata Tarō and other conservatives borrowed heavily from the Derusmian constitutional system. One of the Keiō oligarchy, Yamagata Tadasu, a Jōshū native long involved in government affairs, was charged with drafting Daitō’s constitution. He led a constitutional study mission abroad starting in 1882, an expedition which would last for four years, spending much of his time in Derusmia. He rejected the Centralian Constitution as being “too liberal”, the Achkaerinese as being too unwieldy and having a parliament with too much control over the monarchy, and the Ardian model as tending toward despotism. Upon his return, Yamagata was put in charge of the new Bureau for Investigation of Constitutional Systems in 1886, directly under the oversight of the Chancellor, and in 1888, the Council of State was replaced with a cabinet headed by Yamagata as Prime Minister. The positions of Minister of the Left and Minister of the Right were abolished, while the Office of Chancellor was made the chief minister of the Privy Council in 1889, intended to evaluate the forthcoming constitution and to advise the Emperor. In 1890, Heishi Tomoshige resigned as Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, and his son, Toshikatsu, took his place.

   To further strengthen the authority of the state, the Supreme War Council was established under the leadership of Ōhara Hidemasa, a Kihoku native who has been credited with the founding of the modern Daitōjin army and was to become the first constitutional Prime Minister. The Supreme War Council developed a Derusmian-style general staff system with a chief of staff who had direct access to the Emperor and could operate independently of the army minister and civilian officials. The Constitution of the Empire of Daitō, drafted in 1889, was enacted on the 27th of November, 1890, establishing a form of mixed constitutional and absolute monarchy. The Emperor was legally the supreme leader, and the Cabinet were his followers, while the Prime Minister was elected by a Privy Council. In reality, however, the Emperor was the head of state but the Prime Minister was the actual head of government.

   The 1889 Keiō Constitution made relatively small concessions to civil rights and parliamentary mechanisms. Party participation was recognized as part of the political process. The Emperor shared his authority and give rights and liberties to his subjects. It provided for the Imperial Diet (Teikoku Gikai), composed of a popularly elected House of Representatives with a very limited franchise of male citizens who were over twenty-five years of age and paid fifteen yen in national taxes (approximately 1% of the population). The House of Peers, on the other hand, was comprised primarily of the nobility and imperial appointees. A cabinet was responsible to the Emperor and independent of the legislature. The Diet could approve government legislation and initiate laws, make representations to the government, and submit petitions to the Emperor. The Keiō Constitution has remained the fundamental law to this day, although it has been amended to some degree.
III. — Expansion and Colonialism
IIIa. The Satsunan Annexation

Daitōjin troops outside of Nago Castle, c.1879
   The Amami Kingdom, which occupies the Satsunan Islands (alternatively known as the Amami or Nantō Islands), had, by the 1870s, been independent in some form or another since the Ardian invasion in the 12th century. For a time, the islands remained disunited in the absence of central authority, although they remained tentatively aligned with Daitō and its various leaders until its unification during the Sengoku period, which coincided with the region's Four Kingdoms period. Afterwards, as Daitō tore itself apart, the islands would become a tributary state of the Ardian Empire, although it would also become a vassal of the Satsugaya domain, from which the name "Satsunan", meaning "South of Satsugaya", originates. When Daitō reunified under the Hachisuka shōgunate, this relationship continued, in turn making the islands simultaneously a tributary of Ardia and, by a technicality, a vassal of Daitō. The islands played an important role as an intermediary between Daitō under sakoku and the rest of the world, however, after the Keiō Restoration, plans were made to change the relationship between the two countries.

   In 1872, Emperor Keiō declared Eisō Jun, the ruler of the Amami Kingdom, declared "King of Amami Domain", despite the abolition of the han system in the year prior. This declaration effectively made the islands a part of the burgeoning Empire, however, the islands remained autonomous throughout the majority of the decade as Daitōjin and Ardian diplomats negotiated over the status of the islands. Per the terms of the treaty signed in 1878, Daitō would formally annex the islands, which would be divided into Yakushima and Toshima, while Ardia would receive financial compensation for lost tribute from the islands over the previous years. The last king, Eisō Jun, would be granted the hereditary title of Marquis under the Kazoku peerage system, and due to the friendly relationship between the mainlanders and the Lewchewan, the indigenous people were largely let alone, although pressure to integrate into Daitōjin society, as well as the requirement that Ōnishi be spoken in schools and the movement of mainlanders into the islands would, to an extent, lead to a reduction in the island chain's native population. Later challenges would push the culture of the region to near extinction, but as of the modern day, it has survived and begun to thrive.
IIIb. Conquest of the West
   While the Kishi War had resulted in the loss of the Yamanori Valley and surrounding regions, the treaties which followed the war did much to settle what was Daitō's northern and western borders, stretching them into the Ardian steppe in the west and the forests of Hokuriku in the north. These were not uninhabited lands, of course; the Yezo notably inhabited the north of the country, some of whom had previously been vassals of Daitō, while others remained largely independent. In the west, nomadic horsemen, some of whom were related to the Yezo by way of the Emishi, others hailing from lands beyond the setting sun, still practiced their ancient lifestyle. While limited settlement by the Ōnishi in centuries prior, these ventures were, until the 1850s, largely fruitless, and even after that point, it was limited until the Keiō Restoration and subsequent passing of the Charter Oath that a wave of migrants began to flood into northern and western Daitō, sparking conflict with local tribes that eventually led to a series of undeclared wars against them. Over the next thirty years, by the pen or by the sword, these peoples were brought to heel, and mainland Daitō, save for that which was still held by Ardia, was made whole.
IIIc. The Dalseom Affair

Flag of the Kingdom of Balhae
   We now turn our eyes far from the shores of the Empire to a wind-swept island in the central Kyne. For the better part of two centuries, the Kingdom of Balhae on the island of Dalseom had faced instability, with regional warlords vying for control over the island while their monarchs held little power. For the most part, to the wider world, this was an acceptable arrangement, as it meant that many nations were able to hold territory on the islands in exchange for providing material support for the various warlords. Indeed, after the end of Sakoku, even the Hachisuka Shōgunate, in 1863, was able to secure a lease on a few settlements on the island, a lease which would transfer to the Imperial government after the Boshin War. However, this instability was not always a good thing, as it meant the islands were a haven for pirates, which resulted in numerous expeditions by foreign powers to eliminate this issue. Throughout much of the 1860s, up until 1874, there was peace between Daitō and the local authorities, however, a string of attacks against Daitōjin merchants occurred that year, leaving sixteen dead and five warehouses and shops being burned to the ground.

   Whether these attacks had been performed at the request of Balhae's reigning monarch, King Gongmin, were the actions of disgruntled civilians, or were raids by bandits, the answer remains unclear. What was clear, however, was that the local garrisons in these cities came into conflict with the detachment of the Imperial Daitōjin Army assigned to guard the Daitōjin treaty ports in Uljin, Mokpo, and Taebaek, with these clashes turning in the Empire’s favor. Over the course of the next six weeks, Imperial forces struck, seizing an area roughly 1,239.8km² in size along what is now Kasei Bay on the south of the island. By the time word had reached Shinkyō, it had turned into a significant crisis, one which divided the government. Some wished to see Daitō take the island for its own, while others wished for peace, either viewing the island as not being worth taking or preferring a continuation of trade with Balhae. Later that year, Field Marshal Nishiōji Tsugumichi (the younger brother of Nishiōji Haruyoshi) would be sent to the island to handle negotiations and meetings with local leaders, both of the Kingdom and the chiefs of the aboriginal population on the island.

   Nishiōji was able to negotiate a treaty whereby Daitō would keep the lands gained as well as holdings in the Dosi (Miyako) Islands, while in exchange, Balhae would get aid in putting down rebellions on the island and financial aid, as well as assistance in modernizing the country. Were it not for certain elements within the Imperial government and within Balhae, perhaps Daitō would’ve stayed within said lands, however, even as the treaty was being drafted, there were those who were plotting to take over the island as a whole, as well as those in Balhae, now viewing the state as having been transformed into little more than a client state of a power thousands of kilometers across the sea, who wished to overthrow the monarch and drive the Daitōjin back into the sea.
IIId. The War of 1894
   Nearly twenty years passed, and stability returned to Daitō, though the island of Dalseom was still torn apart by bandits and petty warlords. Even with an increasing presence on the island and a decline in foreign forces there, violence persisted. The execution of twelve local leaders in the east of the island who had plotted to drive out Daitōjin forces in the region led to a revolt among the peasants, demanding that corrupt officials be punished as well as those who became illegally rich, that all slaves be freed alongside the cheonmin (untouchable) class, that debts be made illegal, and that taxes be lowered. Most significantly, they called for anyone who cooperated with the Empire of Daitō to be executed. The king at the time, the recently crowned Danjong (Dae Hyeonseok), agreed to these terms in August 1894, beginning a purge of said collaborators and eventually attacking Daitōjin forces outright.

   Thus challenged, Prime Minister Yamagata Tadasu urged that Emperor Keiō formally declare war upon the Kingdom of Balhae so as to protect the Empire’s citizens and personnel on the island. They would get their wish on the 21st of September, and thus the first war of the constitutional period began. Starting as soon as the 11th of October, the first Daitōjin vessels engaged the Balhae fleet, which was, by comparison, far less capable and many leagues smaller. The Battle of Miyakojima on the 19th of September would prove the decisive engagement of the naval war, effectively ensuring that the island would be put under blockade for the remainder of the conflict. However, it would not be until March 1895 that the army would begin to land on the island in great numbers, owing to poor weather in the region. Nonetheless, from their ports in the south of the country, they would begin their advance, fanning out across the island over the course of the next six months. On the 12th of September, 1895, the capital of Balhae, the city of Okcheon, which is now known as Tamagawa, would be seized, with the King affecting a surrender on the 21st.

   As part of the terms of the treaty that ended the war, King Danjong would abdicate, with his uncle, Dae Hwan, taking the throne in his place, while Daitōjin advisors made up his cabinet. Furthermore, the Kingdom would be reformed into the “Empire of Dalseom”, while the government would purged of those who had started the war, replaced with individuals more amenable to Daitōjin interests in the region. Many of the reforms that had been demanded by the rebels would be maintained, hoping to placate the populace going forwards, but a sizable chunk of land, roughly 39,000 km² large, would be placed under Daitōjin control. For the next thirteen years, the state would be further supervised by the “Resident General of Dalseom”, a position which would be transformed into the “Governor-General of Tsukishima” in 1908 with the state’s annexation. With its annexation in 1908 and following the Tokara Incident in 1907, Daitō would encompass the territories it held at the start of the Great War.
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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
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Chapter Thirteen — The Ardian Continental War and the Late Keiō Era (1914 - 1932 CE)
I. — The Ardian Continental War

Ia. The Early War

Clockwise: Daitōjin forces during the Battle of Kōgen (November 7th, 1914), a landing during the Kalasin Campaign (c.1916), Ardian sniper in the Tanzawa Mountains (c.1914-1915), Daitōjin Battleship Akitsukuni (c.1917)
   The Ardian Continental War (大陸戦争, Tairikusensō), alternatively known as the "First Great War" or more simply, the "Ardian War", was a conflict spanning the world, though primarily focused in East Ardia, that lasted from 1914 to 1918, at least for Daitō. The Empire, by means of a web of alliances which is referred to as simply the "Allied Powers" in modern history textbooks, found itself allied with Achkaerin and Toshikawa, as well as a few other countries across the globe. These "Allied Powers" were opposed by the Ardian Empire and her colonies, as well as the Kingdoms of Tytor and Rhand, with limited involvement being seen on the part of the Seleucids, a situation which would be mirrored during later conflicts. The name of the conflict itself, the "Great War", came merely from the scale of the war, which, compared to practically every war before, was truly immense and terrible in its scale and its devastation, although it too would be dwarfed by what was to come in later decades.

   While the fighting had already begun the month prior, for Daitō, the Great War began on the 1st of August, 1914 when its ultimatum to the Ardian Empire, which called for a withdrawal of forces from Toshikawa, went unanswered. Said ultimatum, which had been sent a week prior, was set to expire at midnight on the 1st of August. Its forces had already been mobilized in advance of the ultimatum so that, in the event of it being rejected, the nation would be ready for war. Thus, with no answer being received, the Imperial Diet voted that day to declare war upon the Ardian Empire, and almost immediately, the Military High Command, having expected a war with Ardia for years, began to enact their plans for the conflict. The first military engagement of the war was not on land, however, but rather on the high seas, when the Daitōjin armored cruiser Yakumo traded blows with the Ardian cruiser Achéron on the 3rd of August, with the latter vessel being forced to withdraw due to damage sustained during the battle. The first engagement on the ground, by contrast, was the Siege of Gowon (modern Kōgen) on the island of Tsukishima, wherein Daitōjin forces, from the 3rd of August until the 18th of October, 1914, laid siege to the Ardian treaty port of Gowon on the island. Said treaty port, as part of the agreement which led to the island's annexation, was allowed to remain on the island until 1950, however, the war ultimately brought that treaty to an end.

   Perhaps emblematic of the early war, the Tanzawa Campaign saw around 630,000 Daitōjin and 680,000 Ardian soldiers wage a long and brutal battle among the icy slopes of the Tanzawa mountains, in which time it is estimated a total of nearly 98,000 men died. Lasting from the 9th of August until the 17th of February, 1916, it is seen by many as having some of the harshest fighting of the war, both owing to the sheer tenacity of both sides and to the hostile environment. Of particular note during the campaign was the Battle of Mt. Ushiro, which raged from the 11th of December, 1914 until the 16th of March, 1915. The mountain itself was known by the locals as Kon'noyama, the "Mountain of Souls", a name which it had earned for the many lives it had claimed over the years, both by avalanches and failed expeditions to climb it. The Ardians, as a result of the battle, would give it a different name, though its meaning was fairly similar. To them, it was the Col di Sangue, the "Mountain of Blood", for it was said that by the end of the battle, the mountain had been stained red with blood. Ultimately, the battle of Kon'noyama, while certainly an important victory for the Imperial Daitōjin Army, was only the first step in breaching the mighty Tanzawa mountains, and the campaign would rage for another year before finally, the fighting entered the Yamanori valley.

   Compared to the Greater East Ardia War in the 1940s, Daitō played a limited role in fighting on the peninsula, sending only a single division, around fifteen thousand troops, to the region during the course of the conflict. Rather, the majority of overseas operations undertaken by the Empire of Daitō during the war were on the island of Paechon, now a part of the Democratic Republic of Kalasin, which was an Ardian colony which encompassed the country. The fighting there would last until 1917, although the island would be plagued by the remnant Ardian forces throughout the last years of the conflict. The island was deemed vital for the war effort, as it provided control over the Matilda channels, a key supply line for both Ardian and Allied shipping over the years.
Ib. The Late War
   Following a series of successful offensives in the Tanzawa Mountains, Daitōjin forces would finally reach the Yamanori valley in early 1916, with the war briefly turning to one of maneuver in the intervening months between then and the siege of Saito, which began on the 8th of April. The city had been heavily fortified over the past two years, owing to it being an important supply hub for Ardian forces in the Yamanori valley, however, over the coming months, as Daitōjin forces slowly continued their advance elsewhere in the valley, the city would become partially cut off from other reinforcement, its only real link to the outside world being by sea. For just over six months, both Daitōjin and Ardian forces would settle into trench warfare, with neither side able to make much progress while the Daitōjin forces began preparing to storm the city. Finally, on the 21st of September, Daitōjin forces finally began their offensive, making use of various new technologies and tactics to gain ground, which would achieve its goal of encircling the city in its totality by the 30th of September. Fighting inside of the city would last until early November, when the city's remaining defenders surrendered.

   Meanwhile, as was mentioned in the previous section, fighting on the island of Paechon continued throughout 1916 and 1917, with the island being declared "secured" by the 18th of February, 1918. Though sporadic fighting continued even after the end of the war, owing to Ardian holdouts on the island and on the neighboring peninsula, by and large it was a relatively quiet front throughout much of the war, save for a few large-scale battles. More importantly, on the 8th of July, 1917, the largest naval battle of the war to that point, as well as the largest naval battle involving the Daitōjin since the restoration began: The Battle of Toshima. On the Ardian side, there were nineteen Dreadnought-type Battleships, as well as eight battlecruisers, 12 armored cruisers, and numerous light cruisers, destroyers, and other vessels. Daitōjin forces during the battle, joined by a limited contingent from Achkaerin, were roughly equal in strength, with fifteen dreadnoughts, eleven battlecruisers, and seven armored cruisers being noted among them. Despite being outnumbered, the battle would ultimately end in an Allied strategic victory, as it would keep the Ardian High Seas fleet stuck within its waters until after the end of the war, however, due to heavy losses sustained, it can be argued that the battle was also an Ardian tactical victory.

   In January 1918, Daitō began its final offensive of the war, aiming to take the remnants of the Ardian-held Yamanori Valley as well as the Ryōhaku Mountains. Known as Operation Kyū-gō, it would last until late March, succeeding in its goals of liberating the remnants of the country still occupied by Ardia. Throughout March and early April, a series of meetings occurred between Ardian and Daitōjin forces, wherein a peace treaty would be worked out between the two countries. Under the terms, Daitō would be granted all lands taken during the Kishi War, as the Ardian treaty ports in Tsukishima. Furthermore, Daitō would receive the island of Paechon and neighboring territories on the peninsula as a "trust territory", which in reality was a fancy way of saying that the island was to become a Daitōjin colony indefinitely. Finally, Ardia would pay war reparations, although these were limited in scope as the war had not severely damaged Daitō. Finally, on the 17th of April, 1918, the war, at least for Daitō, came to an end. However, for the other powers, fighting would continue for a while, although it would ultimately come to a close, at least unofficially, by the end of the year.
II. — The Late Keiō Era
IIa. Overview

Daitōjin women participating in local elections, February 20th, 1928
   The late Keiō era is a period of history which is rarely spoken of in foreign history books. Contrary to what has become the popular understanding of Daitō before the 1960s, the country was not an absolute monarchy or a dictatorship of any kind. Rather, as had been the trend before but was finally realized, the 1920s were a triumph of constitutional democracy, intended by its creators to be modeled off of the Derusmian and later Achkaerinese parliamentary systems. The country was governed under a de-facto two-party system with a liberal party, the Rikken Minseitō, and a conservative party, the Rikken Seiyūkai. Other parties existed, of course, most notably the nationalist Kokumintō and the leftist Shakai Taishūtō, but politics remained dominated by these two throughout the remainder of the period and up until 1937. In contrast to the idea of the war-mongering Daitōjin state, eager to put an end to the Ardian Empire once and for all, the times were set on liberalization and openness. Daitōjin parliamentary politics even had large pacifistic factions amongst its parties.

   Daitō’s urban centers had grown into the cultural capitals of East Ardia—surpassing even the great cities of the Ardian Empire in their grandeur—in which a new, modern native East Ardian culture was being formed. Far from the image of militaristic, ordered factory workers, the Daitōjin cities of the time were filled with nightclubs and theaters, bringing forwards artists who attempted to redefine the Ōnishi cultural horizon, experimenting with styles and customs of the old Daitō and combining them with the new modernity and artistic styles of the Occident. The film industry thrived, telling Daitō’s stories on screen and creating works of a distinctively unique and beautiful cultural blend, putting Daitō on the map as a place of culture that many came to visit and see for themselves. Painters such as Haruki Orihara merged the traditional Ōnishi painting style of Ukiyo-e with the modern art of Albion, creating paintings that expressed the experimental and open-minded attitude of his time. Far from being a culture of submissive women, within Daitōjin society of the 1920s, the streets of cities were filled with “mo-gas”, or “Modern Girls'', as women's magazines were published in a society which had come closer to women’s suffrage than many Occidental nations.

   And yet, this progressive era was not to last. Within twenty years, the parliamentary system had been replaced with de-facto military rule, the cultural magazines replaced with militaristic propaganda, and the cartoons of the 1920s were fighting Ardia. The movie industry, lauded for its experimentality, was now producing war propaganda, while the experimental modern art had been replaced with a militaristic realism in the name of "utopia". The women who had strived for equality in the late Keiō era were now being taught how to charge Ardian soldiers with spears should they invade the fatherland in a final battle to death before dishonor. While much of the buildup was in the 1930s, this shift began in the 1920s.
IIb. Instability during the late Keiō Era
   Why everything changed, the answer cannot be found within the Daitōjin people. There was no cultural, let alone racial drive to undermine what had been built during the 1920s. The Daitōjin people were not destined to fall into this. Far from it. It is, perhaps, even possible to say that Daitō’s people were dragged into militarism and xenophobia against their will and seduced by those who willingly accepted their deaths. Daitō had only recently been truly opened to the world, an opening which had thrown the country into internal turmoil over the conflict between modernity and the preservation of its own social norms and culture. A conflict which ultimately resulted in civil war and which ended with the overthrow of the established feudalistic order, the dethroning of the warlords, and the establishment of an imperial system. An imperial system which was initially built like an oligarchy, giving power to the warlords which had sided with the Emperor. But even as that system had become more liberalized, democratic, and open over time, an underlying conflict within Daitōjin society had not been resolved. The question of modernity and its perceived conflict with Daitōjin culture.

   Yet those issues were secondary in the late Keiō era. In 1927, Daitō fell into an economic panic which came after the post-Ardian War business boom. During this period, many companies invested heavily in increased production capacity in what proved to be an economic bubble. The post-1920 economic slowdown and Great Kantō Earthquake of 1925 caused an economic depression, which led to the failure of many businesses. The government intervened through the Bank of Daitō by issuing discounted "earthquake bonds" to overextended banks. In January 1927, when the government proposed to redeem these bonds, rumor spread that the banks holding these bonds would go bankrupt. In the ensuing bank run, 37 banks including the Bank of Tsukishima and the second-tier zaibatsu Aoyagi, went under. Prime Minister Asano attempted to have an emergency decree issued to allow the Bank of Daitō to extend emergency loans to save these banks, but his request was denied by the privy council and he was forced to resign.

   Prime Minister Asano's successor, Ichiro Shibusawa, managed to control the situation with a three-week bank holiday and the issuance of emergency loans; however, as a result of the collapse of many smaller banks, the large financial branches of the five great zaibatsu houses were able to dominate the country's financial sector for a decade. While the impact on the financial sector would come to a close with these measures, its impact on society would be quite considerable. Social unrest increased with the growing polarization of society and inequalities, such as the trafficking in girls, and the labor unions increasingly influenced by socialism, communism and anarchism, but the industrial and financial leaders of Daitō continued to get wealthier through their inside connections with politicians and bureaucrats. The military was considered "clean" in terms of political corruption, and elements within the army were determined to take direct action to eliminate the perceived threats to Daitō created by the weaknesses of liberal democracy and political corruption.

   To make matters worse, in 1928, Daitō once again found itself in conflict with Ardia, this time over the Miyako islands. While not escalating to a full war, it was a further drain on an already battered economy, even if it was one which was deemed important by the government. Many questioned why they should care about some islands all the way in the Kyne, but the military showed themselves more than capable of handling the conflict. The conflict, brief as it was, lasted until the 4th of June, 1929, yet it was not the end of Daitō’s woes. In 1930, a leftist insurgent by the name of Haruto Saikawa attempted to assassinate Emperor Keiō, leaving him badly wounded and his son, Crown Prince Norifumi, dead. As a result, his grandson, Prince Naganori, became the new crown prince and heir apparent following this tragedy. In the eyes of many, this attack was seen as a justification for extreme action to be taken in order to restore order, and already, there were those within the military and the government plotting their next move.
IIc. The End of the Keiō era
   On the night of the 19th of November, 1932, Emperor Keiō, fell into respiratory arrest and passed away. He was eighty years of age and had seen his health decline rapidly in the weeks leading up to his death. His grandson and heir, Naganori, was enthroned the next year as Emperor Kuna, bringing with him an end to the Keiō era. The era to come would see the effective end of true democracy within the country as well as destruction on a scale unseen to that point, but also great prosperity and a flowering of a new democracy following the Greater East Ardia War. As the nation mourned, many now knew that a war was coming, and Daitō was not, at least politically speaking, ready for what was to come.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:12:06 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #14 on: May 30, 2023, 05:19:59 PM »
Chapter Fourteen — The Early Kunan Era (1932 - 1939 CE)
I. — Democracy in Decline


Shinkyō Prefectural Hall, c.1933
   As had previously been mentioned, despite the Boshin war and the continued expansion of the nation, the question of modernity loomed like a specter on the horizon. The war’s defeated party, the old order—the daimyo, samurai, and nobles of the once-prosperous countryside—fell into poverty, even as the country opened its urban centers and rose in importance and wealth. For them, the reason for their poverty, which they perceived as a decline of Daitō in general, was the modernization that had taken place. And as they saw it as an ill brought upon them by the Occident—and more specifically Ardia—they blamed it on the Occident. This resentment was often kept quiet, festering in small circles, and was passed down generations. Secret societies such as the Gen'yōsha were formed by former samurai in conflict with modernization. Many now-impoverished samurai sent their sons to the Imperial Military academies, which they perceived as the only career that would provide prospects for their children, consequently raising a generation of military leaders hostile towards democratization, modernization, and the Occident. As Daitō entered the interwar period and drove towards gradual modernization and liberalization of society, it became more democratic and open. The officers educated to lead the Daitōjin Armed Forces moved into a different direction, one which went against the wishes and desires of the Daitōjin government and its people.

   Ideological doctrines spread across the ranks of cadets: racial superiority, religious fanaticism, a rejection of democracy, notions of holy wars and ambitions of conquest and the subjugation of peoples. They adopted a corrupted form of "Hakkō Ichiu" (八紘一宇, "eight crown cords, one roof")—originally a concept of virtue and a maxim of conduct—with the goal of using it to justify their desire for military expansion. There was no unifying ideology, no central core of doctrines to which they all agreed upon. Some were Buddhist fanatics, some dreamed of the unity of the "native East Ardian race", while others believed in the superiority of the Daitōjin above all others. Some saw themselves as the liberators of Ardia; others believed in a holy war that they had to fight. Differing groups with differing beliefs who, however, were united by only a few common notions. They believed in the Emperor’s divinity and had a common hatred of the government in Shinkyō, with its parliament, ministers, and representatives. The army, an institution which is supposed to be at the government’s disposal and serving the government, started becoming more and more hostile towards the very existence of that government. And all of these officers were also in favor of attacking Ardia, and that its annexation of Tsukishima had shown the country that it had a mission from the divine to expand, to spread the ways of their superior culture and to remove Occidental influence. What the various officers may have disagreed upon to be the reasons to go to war, they all nonetheless agreed that a war and the dismantling of democracy was necessary. Of course, some were more moderate than others, some more pragmatic than others. Those were the ones who followed the teachings of
Toshikatsu Heike, who pushed not for abolition, but rather, reform into a better Imperial system. They were opposed by various other officers, intoxicated by an ideological hatred of the government they swore to protect and obey and with an ideological zeal to expand Daitō’s borders who were stationed throughout the Empire, beyond the mainland, far from the oversight of Shinkyō. These officers started plotting, organizing, and dreaming, increasingly seeing themselves as the solution to the ills befalling Daitō. It was these officers, influenced by the works of far-right authors the world over, who would initiate the conflict with Ardia over the Miyako Islands, their victory giving the army leverage. They achieved what their predecessors had dreamed of, turning the Imperial Army into an anti-democratic force which could act independent of the government.

   In spite of their ideological differences, these two groups of the Imperial Daitōjin Armed Forces shared many ideas. They believed in the total mobilization of the nation and its people for war, that the nation’s capacity for waging war was necessary for its survival and should be prioritized over politics. They thought that the army should not serve the nation, but that the nation should serve the army, and that spiritual unity was required for a nation to win a war. That a nation should be conditioned as a whole and by all means necessary to support a war in material and spirit, no matter by which means that support was achieved. They believed that, in time such as those they were living through, a nation’s economy, education, infrastructure, entertainment, and culture should be controlled and run by the military, or at the very least, with the intention of putting its support behind all the army’s goals, depending on which wing you found yourself on.

   Throughout the 1920s, the disparities in mainland Daitō kept growing as urban areas became richer and opened up more towards liberalization, while the peasant farmers of the countryside descended further into poverty. A disparity that came to its climax in 1927 with the country’s financial crash, Daitō, which had experienced a population explosion throughout the last thirty years, struggled to feed its own population, relying on the export of silk and then, using the profits made from those sales, it bought rice to feed its population. And with the collapse of silk prices in 1929, the financial crisis brought challenges to Daitō’s society which the military officers deemed to be the proof of the decadence and incompetence of the liberal political leadership of a democracy. For the leaders of the Daitōjin army, the solutions suggested by the elected government were insufficient or stood in the way of its own ambitions. Ideas started to brew and spring up within Daitōjin officers circles that the time may be coming to act.

   Following yet another brief flareup in tensions with Ardia in 1931, the Imperial Armed Forces was celebrated at festivals as Daitō fell into a nationalist hysteria and war-fever, which the army knew to capitalize on. The Daitōjin poet and author, Kazue Takeshita, who had gained fame as a pacifist decrying the war with Ardia and the annexation of Tsukishima, wrote a poem urging Daitō’s men to join the army, smash sissified dreams of compromise, and declared that dying in war for the Emperor was the purest death a man could possibly wish for, symbolic for a nation gripped gradually but ever-more increasingly by a fever. On the 19th of June, 1933, young officers, emboldened by the actions of the Daitōjin armed forces and dismayed by the government’s continued refusal to support their plans, stormed the residence of the Prime Minister, Azai Reijirō, and murdered him. The incident gained international media attention and showed to the world that the forces that had been unleashed within the Daitōjin army may very well end Daitōjin democracy.

   The trial of the assassins was reduced to little more than a farce, as the accused used the court as a stage to promote their ideology and the judge was intimidated into passing reduced citizens after threatening letters of support flooded his office. An atmosphere of outdoing was created, in which everyone sought to outdo the other in their fever and support of the military. Within this atmosphere, the liberal camp retreated into silence, scared of being branded as traitors if they spoke up. Violence increased as over the course of the next years, more and more political figures representing the moderate and democratic Daitō were murdered by a growing movement of ultranationalists. However, the Emperor and the nation’s nobility were unwilling to have Daitō slide into outright military rule. Negotiated by Prince Mutsuhito Yamana, Keigo Tanaka became Daitōjin Prime Minister after the assassination of Azai, to try and protect the democratic integrity of the government while governing in a compromise with the more moderate branch of the military under Marshal Hisayuki Sonyu, who was made Minister of War as part of the compromise. The next four years were dominated by a continuous tug of war between those two camps and internal struggles over ideological differences amongst the militarists.

   Throughout this period, the new Minister of War, Sonyu, fanned the flames with propaganda decrying the degeneracy of the Ardian civilization, condemning democratic Daitō, not for its institutions, but for the instability that came with its party-politics, and promoting notions of a moral superiority of the Yamato Ōnishi. Sonyu was a part of an ideological faction called the Kōdōha, which emphasized the importance of a spiritual and immaterial superiority of Daitōjin morals and culture that was corrupted by and therefore needed to rid itself from partisan democracy and the liberalizing aspects of modernity—though other aspects were still quite useful in their eyes—to wage war with Ardia, and to oppose the most corrupting of all ideologies with every means necessary: communism. The other faction, the Tōseiha, led by General Goro Arisawa, was far more radical, calling for the total abolition of democracy and the invasion of Rokkenjima to purify its wayward culture, as well as other imperialistic ambitions while opposing modernization in its totality. The Daitōjin economy was transformed, starting in 1936, into a war economy, dedicated to the arming of the country’s forces and to be in service for the wars would have to fight. These differences over ideology, alongside the underlying questions over modernity and tradition, brought these two militaristic factions into conflict. The Emperor remained quiet. With the army having direct access to him and knowing how to influence him, the path was set for a direction undermining the Daitōjin democracy. In 1936, under the orders of General Arisawa and with the blessing of Prime Minister Makoto Kōki, Toshikatsu Heike, the ideological mentor of Sonyu, was assassinated by the Tōseiha, triggering what would prove to be the final end of the Keiō Democracy and the rise of a new government. Outraged, Marshal Sonyu made a tour of the country throughout late 1936 and early 1937, rallying the people together around the death of Heike, a beloved figure throughout the nation, in preparation for what was to come. On the 18th of January, 1937, in major cities across the Empire, supporters of Sonyu, both civilian and military, took to the streets, with the army taking up key positions throughout Shinkyō. A coup had begun.
II. — The Kunan Restoration
IIa. Planning a Coup
   The "18th of January Incident", also known as the "Kunan Restoration" or the "Sonyu Coup", began, as the name implies, on the 18th of January, 1937. The uprising was planned between the 10th and the 14th of January by Sonyu, Kazumasa Toshinari, Hatsuo Sasakibara, Einosuke Yagami, and Yōjirō Sakakura. The plan decided upon was relatively simple. The officers would capture or assassinate the most prominent enemies of the Kokutai, secure control of the administrative center of the capital and the Imperial Palace, then submit their demands (the dismissal of certain officers and the appointment of a new cabinet led by Sonyu). Beyond that, their goals were not certain, although it is often noted that they were prepared to replace Emperor Kunan with Prince Gakuto if needed. These officers, by having Sonyu as their leader, had gained at least the tacit support for their uprising from a number of prominent IDA and IDN officers. These included Yasuhide Muranaka, Minister of the Navy, as well as Akihiko Shinada, Yoshifumi Ishiwara, Takeshi Hanaoka and Rentarō Fujinuma, as well as their own immediate commanders. The young officers prepared an explanation of their intentions and grievances in a document entitled Kekki Shuisho, or "Manifesto of the Uprising", which they wanted to be handed to the Emperor. The document was prepared by Sasakibara, but written in Sonyu's name as he was the highest-ranking officer involved in the plot. The document was entirely in line with Kokutai Genri-ha ideals, blaming the genrō, political leaders, military factions, zaibatsu, bureaucrats and political parties for endangering the kokutai through their selfishness and disrespect for the Emperor and asserting the need for direct action:
Quote from: Kekki Shuisho
   Now, as we are faced with great emergencies both foreign and domestic, if we do not execute the disloyal and unrighteous who threaten the kokutai, if we do not cut away the villains who obstruct the Emperor's authority, who block the Restoration, the Imperial plan for our nation will come to nothing [...] To cut away the evil ministers and military factions near the Emperor and destroy their heart: that is our duty and we will complete it.”

   Eight targets were chosen for assassination or capture for “threatening the kokutai”, who, alongside their reasons for being targeted, are as follows:
       Makoto Kōki: Prime Minister of Daitō, support for the organ theory of government and assassinating Toshikatsu Heike.
       Keizaburō Nagao: Former Prime Minister, causing the Emperor to form improper cabinets.
       Suzuki Makino: Former Foreign Minister, former Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, preventing Prince Sadatoshi from protesting to the Emperor, forming a court faction with Korekiyo.
       Nobuaki Watanabe: Grand Chamberlain, obstructing "Imperial Virtue".
       Sadakatsu Korekiyo: Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, involvement in Sonyu’s dismissal, establishing a court faction with Makino.
       Keigo Tanaka: two-time Finance Minister, former Prime Minister, attempting to weaken the military, allowing the 1927 depression to occur.
       Ichirō Saionji: Sonyu’s replacement, involvement in partisan politics, support for the “organ theory” of the kokutai, refusal to resign due to his unsuitability.
       Goro Arisawa: leader of the Tōseiha, promoting division among the military, assassinating Toshikatsu Heike, refusal to resign due to his unsuitability.

   The first four mentioned, Kōki, Nagao, Makino, and Watanabe, survived the coup, instead mostly being taken prisoner by the military, while Saionji was forced to resign. Nagao, Makino, Watanabe, and Korekiyo were targeted because they were the most influential Imperial advisers. Kōki and Tanaka were moderate political leaders who had worked to restrain the military, while the former also supported the assassination of Toshikatsu Heike. Finally, Ichirō Saionji was targeted for his incompetence and Goro Arisawa was targeted for being a member of the Tōseiha, with the conspirators wishing to finally vanquish their long-time foe, as well as being punishment for the assassination of Toshikatsu Heike. Nagao’s name was removed from the list as he joined the conspirators a day prior to the coup, offering his services to negotiate with the Emperor.
IIb. The Righteous Army
   From the 14th of January onwards, the five, later six leaders managed to convince at least eighteen other officers to join the uprising with varying degrees of enthusiasm. Non-commissioned officers were informed on the night of the 17th, hours before the attacks started. Although the officers insisted that all NCOs participated voluntarily and any orders given were merely pro forma, many of the NCOs argued decades later that they had been in no real position to refuse to participate. The soldiers themselves, 70% of whom were less than a month out of basic training, were not told anything before the coup began, though many were enthusiastic once the uprising began. The bulk of the Righteous Army was made up of men from the 1st Division's 1st Infantry Regiment (11th and MG companies; 456 men) and 3rd Infantry Regiment (1st, 3rd, 6th, 7th, 10th, and MG companies; 937 men). The only other significant contribution was 138 men from the 3rd Imperial Guard Regiment. Including officers, civilians and men from other units, the total size of the Righteous Army was 1,558 men. An official count of 1,483 was given at the time; this number excludes the 75 men who participated in Shimokawa's efforts to secure the Imperial Palace. The coup leaders adopted the name Gigun, "Righteous Army", for this force and the password Sonnō Tōkan, "Revere the Emperor, Destroy the Traitors", which was derived from the older slogan, "Revere the Emperor, Destroy the Bakufu". Allies were to also show a three-sen postage stamp when approaching army lines.
IIc. The Uprising

Gigun Forces March Through the Streets of Shinkyō, 18 January, 1937
   The night of the 17th of January brought with it heavy snowfall in Shinkyō. This heartened the officers of the Righteous Army, as it drew parallels with the 1860 Kitahanebashimon incident, in which Shishi rebels assassinated Ina Yasukata, the chief advisor to the Shogun, in the name of the Emperor. The rebel troops, divided into six groups, assembled their troops and left their barracks between 03:30 and 04:00. The attacks on Kōki, Tanaka, Watanabe, Korekiyo, Arisawa, the Ministry of War, and the Shinkyō Metropolitan Police headquarters all commenced simultaneously at 05:00. One of the most important acts of the coup, the attack on Kōki, consisted of 280 men from the 1st Infantry Regiment, led by 1st Lieutenant Shigeaki Yoshida. The troops surrounded the Prime Minister's Residence and forced its guards to open the gates. Upon entering the compound and attempting to find the prime minister, however, they were fired upon by four policemen. All four were killed after wounding six of the soldiers, but the gunfire succeeded in warning Kōki of the danger. He was taken into hiding by his brother-in-law, Colonel Sōichirō Yasuda. Yasuda, who was said to have resembled Kōki, was then discovered and killed by the troops. However, realizing they had the wrong individual, they began searching for the Prime Minister, finding him a few hours later and holding him captive. After his capture, Yoshida’s men assumed guard positions around the compound. They were later joined by sixty men from the 3rd Imperial Guard.

   Ryōma Hasegawa, accompanied by Toshinari, Sasakibara, and Sakakura, led 160 men to seize control of the Minister of War’s residence, the Ministry of War itself, and the General Staff Office. Once this had been accomplished, they asked to see Minister Saionji. When they were admitted to see him at 06:30, they read their manifesto aloud and handed him a document which made numerous demands of the army, including:
       The rapid resolution of the situation by Saionji in a way that “advanced the cause of the Restoration”.
       The prevention of the use of force against the Righteous Army.
       The arrest of Michiaki Himeno (Governor-General of Tsukishima), Jirō Egashira (commander of the Tsukishiman Army), and Akihiro Gusukuma (commander of the Northern Army) for being “the source of the destruction of military command” and for aiding and abetting the murder of Toshikatsu Heike.
       The immediate dismissal of Lieutenant Colonel Joji Uto, Colonel Katsunari Yokosawa, and Major Hisaki Teshigawara from the Imperial Daitōjin Army for promoting factionalism.

   As Minister of War (1924-27, 1929-31), Himeno had overseen a reduction in size and modernization of the army. He had also allegedly backed the plotters of the 19th of June incident, who had hoped to make him Prime Minister before the coup was aborted. Egashira, Uto, Yokosawa, and Teshigawara were all prominent members of the Tōseiha faction. During this period, a number of officers sympathetic to the rebels were admitted, including General Kanji Hino, General Satoru Munakata, General Otohiko Tanobe, and the Vice-Minister of War, Katsumoto Takazaki. Takazaki praised the officers’ spirit and urged Saionji to accept their demands. Shortly before 09:00, Saionji stated that he needed to speak with the Emperor and left for the Imperial Palace. Other actions taken over the course of the next four days included the 3rd Imperial Guard Regiment securing access to the Imperial Palace, the assassinations of Keigo Tanaka, Sadakatsu Korekiyo, and Goro Arisawa, as well as the seizure of the Shinkyō Metropolitan Police headquarters. By the end of the day, the Emperor had been presented with a Fait Accompli; he could not resist the Kōdōha for long, and even if he did, he would’ve been removed. As a result, he agreed to negotiate, and by the end of the 22nd of January, he agreed to the demands of the plotters. In one fell swoop, a new era was born.
III. — The Yamato Fukkatsu Dōmei and the Yokusankai System
   Almost immediately after the coup, now-Prime Minister Hisayuki Sonyu convened an emergency session of the Imperial Diet, wherein the “Peace Preservation Law”, passed first in 1925 but abolished in 1933, was restored, granting the Tokubetsu Kōtō Keisatsu (Special Higher Police) powers to more effectively suppress socialists and communists. In addition to criminalizing forming an association with the aim of altering the kokutai of the state, the law also explicitly criminalized criticism of the system of private property and became the centerpiece of a broad apparatus of thought control in Daitō. Its restoration was a part of a broad series of reforms to prepare the country for the inevitable war with Ardia, with whom relations had once more become strained. Nonetheless, owing to the broad and oftentimes vague definition of kokutai, the result of the law, which was nominally an attempt to blend politics and ethics, effectively granted the government carte blanche to outlaw any form of dissent. The law would be repealed in 1946, but the damage had already been done.

   In spite of the coup, democracy in Daitō didn’t really die. As a matter of fact, though there was a new Prime Minister, it was seen by many as less of a military takeover and more of simply a power struggle at the top, irrelevant to most. While Sonyu had hoped that he would secure true power over the country, he and his fellow officers ignored that Daitō was still a democracy. The elections of 1938, though certainly seeing nationalist parties such as that which Sonyu belonged to gain popularity, the pacifistic factions of the government still managed to gain a sizable part of the diet and strengthened their positions in the government. Despite the successes he and his fellow conspirators had seen, their party, the Kokumintō, could not gain a majority, and thus was forced to make an alliance with the conservative Rikken Seiyūkai. In order to build this coalition, he had to make some concessions to the Rikken Seiyūkai, granting some government oversight to the military and putting an end to the army’s engagement of its own policies. Furthermore, in order to mainain support, he reframed his role in the 18th of January Incident so that it was seen as a move to preserve democracy, at least in the eyes of the public, while working to reform it so it would have, quote, "Daitōjin Characteristics". The Daitōjin people, segments of whom were still gripped by a militaristic nationalist frenzy, still voted for and took part in a political process that opposed those reactionary forces. The political structure of Daitō, by design, prevented the emergence of an absolute leader, which, should such a role have been established, would’ve gone to the Emperor. But the Emperor was not merely a monarch by some divine being’s grace, but a god himself, or at least the descendant of a god, and as such, his position prevented him from engaging in the daily politics that would’ve come with the ruling of a state. Engaging in worldly politics was considered to be beneath a god, putting the Emperor in such a position where he, as a deity, would not be able to save those who worshiped him as a god from themselves.

   Yet while the Kokumintō struggled to maintain its position within the diet, its leaders had begun to consolidate their position within the military. The Tōseiha and Kōdōha factions were united into one group, with Sonyu declaring that the era of factionalism within the army was at an end and that instead, they should work together to further the interests of the Empire by all means necessary. From this position as both Prime Minister and ideological head of the military, Sonyu began befriending industrialist leaders, political power-brokers, and gaining more and more influence over the state. By 1939, he could effectively reform the state into that which he desired, a controlled democracy with but one party, the "Party of the Emperor", the "Party of Yamato". The coup, though successful in its immediate goals, had in many ways failed, but it gave its organizers a springboard to enact their goals. The now-united factions of militarists found it easier to push their agendas. In 1939, the National Mobilization Law, which nationalized all labor unions, strategic industries, news media outlets, introduced strict price controls, and granted the military permission to use an unregulated and potentially unlimited budget for the coming war with Ardia, was passed. On the 19th of April, 1939, in a special joint session of the Imperial Diet, it was announced that the leading parties of the Empire had voted to dissolve themselves and to form together the Yamato Fukkatsu Dōmei, or the "League for the Restoration of Yamato", the one party for the one party state, or "Yokusankai system" that now ruled in Daitō. An organization which rejected all liberalization and saw itself in service of the Armed Forces, the moral and cultural superiority of the Ōnishi, and most importantly, the Emperor. Though democracy continued in theory, opposition parties did not. Daitō’s democracy collapsed because it lost control of a government institution and because the country’s ruling liberal elite and government had failed to appreciate the challenges of modernity. It failed to understand the ramifications of a radical change to society. It failed to make the rapid and in-depth changes to society comfortable to those who had suffered from them, and crucially, the political forces that had dismantled Daitōjin democracy were not one coherent movement of common doctrines, but rather, a force split into various differing movements and ideologies who often rivaled and feuded with each other. What became crucial, however, was that these rival factions of far-right nationalists were able to set aside differences and rally around a common cause when needed to achieve what they all felt was necessary.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:13:12 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #15 on: May 31, 2023, 10:17:49 PM »
Chapter Fifteen — The Greater East Ardia War, Part One: The War Abroad (1939 - 1945 CE)
I. — Prelude to War


Left: IN Corvus, Right: IDN Sanae
   In early 1939, war was once again on the horizon. Everyone knew it. The buildup of Ardian forces on the border was enough proof of that. As tensions between the two states, inflamed by the anti-Ardian rhetoric of the Kokumintō and later the YFD, reached an all-time high, it would only take a single spark and the world would once more be set aflame. On the 22nd of June, 1939, that spark came when an Ardian naval vessel, the Ardian destroyer IN Corvus opened fire upon and sunk the IDN Sanae, a destroyer, off the coast of the island of Ikarajima in the Rokkenjiman Sea. Whether it was an act of malice by the captain of the Ardian vessel or merely a case of mistaken identity, the vessel resembling a Toshikawan vessel, it mattered not, as it provided Daitō with its case for war. On the 24th of June, in a speech broadcast across the nation, Prime Minister Hisayuki Sonyu, under the direction of the Emperor, declared that a state of war existed between the Ardian Empire and Daitō. They expected the war would be like that seen between 1914 and 1918, that the homeland would scarcely be touched, but they couldn’t’ve been more short-sighted. For though yes, they were fighting the same foe as they had twenty years prior, the weapons and tactics of war had changed.
II. — The Southern Expeditionary Force and the Peninsular Campaign

Members of the Imperial Daitōjin Naval Landing Forces in the Rubble of a City in Nueva Ardia, c.1943
   The opening engagements of the war were comparatively minor, mere skirmishes along the border in the Ryōhaku mountains and out on the high seas. But 1939 also saw Daitō establish the "Southern Expeditionary Force" (南方遠征軍, Nanpō ensei-gun), comprising forces under Marshal Shin'ichi Nakago. Their role was of great importance to the war effort, making up Daitō's contribution to the war on the peninsula while also aiding Toshikawa and her other allies, and they brought with them the latest equipment in service with the Daitōjin military. They departed from Daitō on the 17th of August, 1939, arriving in Toshikawa a few days later at the port of Daichi before moving towards the frontlines near Kuroi. There, they would contribute to an offensive in 1940, but for the most part, the frontlines remained relatively stable for broad parts of the conflict. The spring offensive of 1940 saw Daitōjin and allied forces make a concerted effort to push Ardian forces out of the south of the country, pushing as far as the Rio Blanco in what is now Eastern Nueva Ardia by July. However, in conducting this offensive, much blood was spilled, once again resulting in a stalemate falling across the front. The rest of the war, up until 1944 anyways, would see this same pattern play out, where one side would push, rest after taking too many casualties or their supply-lines became too overstretched, and then their enemy would push in another sector of the front.

   In early 1944, a new plan had been put into motion, one which would hopefully change the course of the war and dramatically shorten it. On the 3rd of July, 1944, allied forces landed at key points along the southern coast of what is now Nueva Ardia, establishing a beachhead before pushing north and east. Their objective was to cut off significant Ardian forces in the south, aiming to link up with the expeditionary force near Alausi, liquidate the pocket created there, and then drive on to the west. Enemy resistance was stronger than anticipated, however, and as a result, the southern coast would become, in many ways, a front of its own, at least until October. In October, as Ardian resistance in the south waned, a detachment of the 5th Infantry Division made contact with allied forces near Alausi, effectively cutting off enemy forces in the south. It would take until December for this pocket to surrender, faced with low supplies, poor morale, and difficult weather. Another reason that this offensive was less effective than initially planned was due to the Ardian seizure of Yakushima in July, which resulted in a significant pullback of Daitōjin forces on the peninsula owing to difficulties with logistics and a desire by the government to secure the homeland. In March 1945, the western advance began, however, due to the distances involved, it would still be a long fight towards the Ardian heartland. Formally, despite other events complicating the matter, Daitōjin forces remained on the peninsula, albeit reduced in role and size, until the end of the war.
III. — The War at Sea

Clockwise from Left: Aircraft aboard IDN Hakuryū, 7 October, 1939, IDN Hiryū evading Ardian bombers c.1943, IDN Fusō rocked by explosions in the Rokkenjiman Sea, c.1945, IDN Hiryū, c.1946
   For Daitō, the war began with the sinking of the Sanae and ended, officially anyways, aboard the Akitsukuni in November, 1945. The war on the high seas was, as one might imagine, of grave importance for whoever would achieve victory during the conflict. Not only did it mean Daitō had a lifeline, however thin, throughout the war, it also meant that it could keep its men overseas supplied. Through the vast barrier islands of the Daitōjin coast, supplies could travel up to Shinkyō and then on to Toshikawa and the Satsunan Islands, though the latter wouldn’t be held throughout the entire war. The earliest major naval engagement of the war, the Battle of the Strait of Shaw, occurred from the 6th to the 10th of October, 1939, saw Daitōjin carriers IDN Hakuryū and Hiryū, alongside six cruisers and twelve destroyers engage the Ardian fleet, comprising two fleet carriers, a light carrier, nine cruisers, and twelve destroyers in what would become the first action in which opposing fleets neither sighted nor fired upon one another, rather, attacking over the horizon with aircraft carriers instead. During the battle, Hiryū would sustain significant damage and would be forced to return to an allied port for repairs. This would be the first of many times that this happened to the vessel over the course of the war, with her earning the nickname Kōun ryū, or the “Lucky Dragon”.

   In 1940, like they had during the first war, Daitōjin forces once again entered the Krimeon and Great Northern Ocean by way of the east. While there, they would assist the Achkaerinese in doing battle with the Ardian fleet, as well as those of her allies in the region, and would patrol the waters there while escorting convoys. 1940 also saw the launch of the Akitsukuni and her sister, Tōkai, at the time the largest battleships in history, although their successor’s construction was already well-underway. They would see action for the first time in September, performing shore bombardment duties in Kalasin while the first landings were underway. 1940 also saw skirmishes off the coast of Tsukishima and in the Miyako islands, as well as the true beginning of the "Battle of the Kyne" when Ardian submarines began plaguing the region in March. 1942 brought with it a major engagement in the Ardian Gulf, the first major battle in which the Akitsukuni participated. A victory for allied forces, it saw an Ardian carrier sunk, although whether it was by the Akitsukuni or the Hakuryū is still debated in scholarly circles. On the 2nd of June, 1942, the Hakuryū was torpedoed off the coast of Phuebra while serving briefly as a troop transport. The ship sank at 04:53 PM that afternoon, taking with it 833 of her crew and an additional 200 soldiers, alongside its complement of fighters, dive-bombers, and torpedo bombers. With her loss, Hiryū was left as the only carrier of her class in service, as her other sisters were still under construction when the war began and had been delayed. That year, Hiryū later took part in an operation in the eastern Kyne that year, sustaining light damage following a storm which was repaired within three days.

   At the start of 1943, the Fusō was launched, entering service later in the year. With a displacement of 80,000 tons and a length of 263 meters, the vessel was the largest battleship to have entered service by that point, a record which she maintains to this day. She was equipped with three twin-turreted 51 cm cannons alongside a great number of 10 cm dual-purpose guns, while her armor featured a 45.7 cm side belt. Her sister, the Hizen, launched later that year, featuring three tri-barrel turrets with the same 51 cm cannons, something which was planned for Fusō as well, though she would never be retrofitted with them. Meanwhile, the third ship of the Akitsukuni-class, Taihō, was launched as a converted aircraft carrier. Originally named Iwase, she was the final ship of the class to launch and would continue to serve until the mid-90s, albeit with significant upgrades in the post-war era. She was the last of the Akitsukuni-class ships to leave service.

   Between the 20th and 23rd of March, 1944, the Fusō, now redeployed to the Kyne, engaged the battleship KS Monarch after the latter vessel strayed close to Tsukishima. The ensuing Battle of the Shin'an Strait resulted in the sinking of the Monarch, though not without putting up an admirable fight. Its crew, those who survived anyways, were taken prisoner but were not subjected to any cruel punishment; given that the Daitōjin navy had come to begrudgingly respect the crew, they were afforded a higher standard of living than most prisoners in those days. That and, given the crew’s particular tenacity, it made for good propaganda to try to convince a number of them to defect. Of the original crew, 1569 in total, 316 would, by the end of the war, elect to stay in Daitō, settling in Tsukishima, not far from the wreck of their old ship. The Monarch remains in the Shin’an Strait to this day. 1945 was a difficult year for the Imperial Daitōjin Navy, as it was for the country as a whole. Its major ports on the mainland were bombed and a great number of its ships were sunk. The Fusō, on patrol near the Satsunan Islands at the time, was sunk on the 27th of May. Following the war, the navy was, for a time, downsized due to the economic downturn seen in the country following the war.
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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #16 on: June 02, 2023, 08:19:46 PM »
Chapter Sixteen — The Greater East Ardia War, Part Two: The War At Home (1939 - 1945 CE)
I. — Wartime Propaganda


Collection of Wartime Propaganda Posters and Fliers
   Propaganda in the Empire of Daitō, in the period just before and during the latter half of the Great War, was designed to assist the regime in governing during that time. Many of its elements were continuous with pre-war themes of Kunan statism, including the principles of kokutai, hakkō ichiu, and bushido. New forms of propaganda were developed to persuade occupied lands of the benefits of cooperation, to undermine Ardian troops’ morale, to counteract claims of Daitōjin atrocities, both real and fictitious, and to present the war to the Daitōjin people as victorious. It used a large variety of media to send its messages. Propaganda was non-objective information intended to promote a particular political cause or view. In that sense, Daitōjin propaganda was no different from other nations’ propaganda, but it had some defining elements, such as nationalism. Daitōjin wartime propaganda was, in many ways, a reaction against perceived foreign cultural domination, attacking non-allied Occidental, and particularly Ardian, culture. The believers in this propaganda saw themselves as offering a different, distinctly Daitōjin, way of life away from foreign imperialism. Propaganda portrayed the Ardian world as decadent and weak. However, Daitōjin nationalistic propaganda made it difficult for the diverse nations of the allied powers to feel like they belonged in the new order that Daitō proposed. It is worth noting that, at the time, Daitō promoted general Pan-Ardianism, although it wasn't implemented as thoroughly as the nationalistic elements within its propaganda. Because of this, Daitōjin propaganda was less appealing to non-Ōnishi than other countries. Daitōjin wartime propaganda was distributed through films, magazines and newspapers, radio, books, cartoons, and the education system.
Ia. Propaganda Films
   The most extensive and far reaching form of propaganda used by the Daitōjin government was, perhaps, film. Daitōjin films were produced for a wider range of audiences than Ardian films of the same period. From the 1920s onwards, Daitōjin film studios had produced films legitimizing the colonial project that were set in its colonies in Tsukishima, the Miyako Islands, and Paechon. Such films were extensively shown and promoted by the YFD, while those eschewing the ideals of the Imperial government were, by law, shown in occupied territories to the locals. Most of the materials shown between 1939 and 1945 were war newsreels, Daitōjin motion pictures, or propaganda shorts paired with traditional Ardian films. Movies were also shown in other Ardian countries, albeit to a far lesser degree owing to local laws, portraying Daitō as Ardia’s savior against the tyrannical rule of the Ardian Empire or spoke of the history of friendly relations between countries with films such as "The Fusan You Don't Know."

   “National Policy Films” or propaganda pictures used in the Great War included combat films such as Mud and Soldiers (1940) and The Five Scouts (1939), spy films such as The Spy isn’t Dead (1942) and They’re After You (1942), and lavish period pictures such as The Monkey King (1940). In the early stages of the war with Ardia, so-called “Humanistic war films” such as The Five Scouts tried to depict the war without nationalism. But as the war dragged on, the Home Ministry demanded more patriotism and “national polity films”— war films. As a result, from 1942 onwards, these films took on a more and more nationalistic edge, demonizing the Ardians, portraying the Feng as a servile people betrayed by their leaders, and the Nueva Ardians as tribalistic brutes. In many ways, they mirrored Ardians films of the time, which portrayed the Ōnishi as savages and mindless servants, Much like Ardian propagandists, Daitōjin film makers extensively used prejudice and xenophobia in films produced after war was formally declared on Ardia. In many films, the cowardice of the fleeing Ardian military is juxtaposed with the moral supremacy of the Imperial Daitōjin Army during the Peninsular and Ryōhaku campaigns. Daitō’s first full-length animated feature film, Momotarō (1945), similarly portrays Ardia's allies as morally decadent and physically weak “devils”. Daitōjin films often didn’t shy away from the use of suffering, often portraying its troops as the underdog. This had the effect of making Daitō appear as the victim, inciting greater sympathy from its audience. The propaganda pieces also illustrated the Ōnishi people as pure and virtuous, depicting them as morally and culturally superior. The war was portrayed as continuous and generally wasn’t adequately explained.
Ib. Themes of Daitōjin Propaganda, Part One — The Kokutai
   Daitōjin propaganda made use of a number of themes, though for the sake of time, only a few will be mentioned. Firstly was the idea of Kokutai, of the uniqueness of the Yamato Ōnishi as a people in having a leader with spiritual origins. The idea was first promulgated by the government, including a textbook sent out by the Ministry of Education. The purpose of this instruction was to ensure that every child regarded himself first and foremost as a Daitōjin and was grateful for the “family polity” structure of government, with its apex in the Emperor. Indeed, little effort was made during the course of the war, at least at first, to explain to the Daitōjin people what it fought for; instead, it was presented as a chance to rally around the Emperor. In 1937, the pamphlet Kokutai no Hongi was written to explain the principle. It clearly stated its purpose: to overcome social unrest and develop a new Yamato state. From this pamphlet, pupils were taught to put the nation before the self, and that they were part of the state and not separate from it. The ministry of Education promulgated it throughout the school system. The Yamato Fukkatsu Domei was founded by Prime Minister Sonyu to “restore the spirit and values of old Yamato”. When the number of patriotic associations during the war worried the government, they were folded into the YFD, which used them to mobilize the nation and promote unity.

   1941 saw the writing of the Shinmin no Michi, which was intended to instruct the Daitōjin on what to aspire to. Ancient texts set forth the central precepts of loyalty and filial piety, which would throw aside selfishness and allow them to complete their “holy task”. It called for them to become “one million hearts beating as one”, something which the book explicitly stated many failed to do. The obedience called for was to be blind and absolute. The war would be a purifying experience to draw them back to the “pure and cloudless heart” of their inherent character that they had strayed from. Their cultural purity, it said, should be reflected in their unity. Patriotic war songs seldom ever mentioned the enemy, and when they did, then only generically; the tone was elegiac, and the topic was purity and transcendence, often compared to the cherry blossom. The final letters of kamikaze pilots often expressed, above all, that their motivations were gratitude to Daitō and to its Emperor as the embodiment of kokutai. One letter, after praising Daitōjin history and the way of life their ancestors had passed down to them, and the Imperial family as the crystallization of Daitō’s splendor, concluded, “it is an honor to be able to give my life in defense of these beautiful and lofty things.”

   Intellectuals at an “overcoming modernity” conference proclaimed that prior to the Keiō Restoration, Daitō had been a classless society under a benevolent Emperor, but the restoration had plunged the nation into Occidental materialism (an argument which ignored the commercialism and ribald culture in the Shimura era), which had caused the people to forget their nature and which the war would enable them to reclaim. Baseball, jazz, and other Occidental profligate ways were singled out in government propaganda to be abandoned for a pure spirit of sacrifice. This Yamato Damashii, Yamato Spirit, would allow them to overcome any odds. This belief was so well indoctrinated that even as Ardian bombings in the later part of the war overwhelmed the ability of the Daitōjin government to cover them up with lies, many Daitōjin refused to believe that “the Country of the Gods” could be defeated, a suspicion which, though ultimately the country was on the winning side, would be proven false. General Munakata, addressing his troops on Yakushima in 1944, told them that their greatest strength lay in their moral superiority. The attack on the island was announced by the “Home and Empire” broadcast with uncommon praise of the Ardian commanders but also the confident declaration that they must not leave the island alive. On the occasions that they were taken prisoner, interrogators noted that Daitōjin soldiers were unshakable in their conviction of the Empire’s sacred mission.
Ic. Themes of Daitōjin Propaganda, Part Two — Rural life, Spiritual mobilization, Production, and Privation
   Despite its military strength being dependent on industrialization, the regime glorified rural life. The traditional rural and agricultural life was opposed to the modern city; proposals were made to fight the atomizing effects of cities by locating schools and factories in the countryside so as to maintain the rural population. Agrarianist rhetoric exulted village harmony, even while tenants and landlords were pitted against each other by the needs of the war. The Spiritual Mobilization Movement was formed from 74 organizations to rally the nation for a total war effort. It carried out such tasks as instructing schoolchildren on the “Holy War in Ardia” and having women roll bandages for the war effort.

   Even before the war, organizations such as Sanpo existed to explain the need to meet production quotas, even if sacrifices were needed; it did so with rallies, lectures, and panel discussion, while setting up programs to assist workers’ lives to attract membership. Among the greatest "victories", at least as far as these Sanpo framed it, was the discovery of oil in Tsukishima, giving Daitō, for the first time, its own source of oil. Propaganda exulted that Daitō was no longer a “have-not” nation. By 1943, with the war raging on without an end in sight, calls were made for a more war-like footing on the part of the population, in particular in calls for increases in war materials. As Daitō recruited more and more troops, it meant that more and more weapons were needed. Morning assemblies at factories had officers address the workers and enjoin them to meet their quotas. The productions were kept up, albeit at the price of extraordinary sacrifice.

   Finally, the government urged the Daitōjin people to do without basic necessities, to engage in privation. For example, magazines gave advice on economizing on food and clothing as soon as two years prior to the war breaking out. After the outbreak of war with Ardia, early suggestions that the people enjoyed the victories too much and were not prepared for the long war were not taken, and so, early propaganda did not contain warnings. In 1944, however, propaganda endeavored to warn the Daitōjin people of disasters to come, and to install them in a spirit as in Yakushima, to accept more privation for the war. Articles were written claiming that the Ardians could not engage in air raids from the island, which at the time, were generally true, although it was known by the government that this wasn’t going to be the case for long; the purpose was rather to subtly warn of the dangers to come. Early songs proclaiming that the cities had iron defenses and it was an honor to defend the homeland quickly lost their luster as said air raids began. Still, continued calls to sacrifice were honored; neighborhood associations helped, as nobody wanted to be seen quitting first if at all. Accounts of self-sacrificing privation were common in the press: A teacher dressed in tatters who refused to wear a new shirt because all of his friends were all likewise tattered, and officers and governmental officials who made do without any form of heating. This reflected the privation actually in society, where clothing was at a premium and the work-week was seven days long, with schooling cut to a minimum so that children could work.
II. — War on the Home Front

Daitōjin Schoolchildren Evacuating to the Countryside in 1944
   The Daitōjin home front was elaborately organized, block by block, with full-scale food rationing and many controls over labor. The government used propaganda heavily and planned in minute detail regarding the mobilization of manpower, identification of critical choke points, food supplies, logistics, air raid shelters, and the evacuation of children and civilians from targeted cities. Food supplies were very tight before the heavy bombing began in fall 1944, then grew to a crisis. There was only a small increase of 1.4 million women entering the labor force between 1940 and 1944. Intense propaganda efforts by the government to promote savings and postpone consumer purchases were largely successful, especially on the part of housewives who generally controlled their family budget. The minister of welfare announced, "In order to secure its labor force, the enemy is drafting women, but in Fusan, out of consideration for the family system, we will not draft them."

   The government began making evacuation plans in late 1943, and started removing entire schools from industrial cities to the countryside, where they were safe from bombing and had better access to food supplies. In all, nearly two million children were moved with their teachers, however, their parents were excluded from these relocation efforts, owing to their vital work for the war effort. When the Ardian bombing began in earnest in late 1944, a further ten million people fled the cities to the safety of the countryside, including two-thirds of the residents of the largest cities and 87% of the children. Left behind were the munitions workers and government officials. By April 1945, 87% of the younger children had been moved to the countryside. Civil defense units were transformed into combat units, especially the Peoples Volunteer Combat Corps, enlisting civilian men up to the age of 60 and women to age 40. Starting in January 1945 the government operated an intensive training program to enable the entire civilian population to fight the "decisive battle" with the Ardian invaders using grenades, explosive gliders and bamboo spears. Many understood that they would probably die in what the government called the "Grand Battle for the Future of the Ōnishi Race". Health conditions became worse following the ceasefire in September and the end of the war in November, owing to an influx of refugees from the Peninsula and the return of many Ōnishi, both Daitōjin and Toshikawan, to the country from Ardia following the subsequent population transfer.
IIa. Civilian Sentiment and Government War Efforts
   There was great civilian support for war with Ardia even before it broke out, as can be seen by letters written in the aftermath of the 18th of January Incident. The successful invasion of the Miyako islands in the late '20s fueled the rise of aggressive foreign policy and radical nationalism. Daitōjin shimbun (newspapers) radio station's reporting of the events helped spread this sentiment quickly. Understanding the benefits of educating the populace about the war efforts, the Daitōjin government soon followed suit. Starting in September 1939, ten minutes of war news was broadcast at 7:30 PM every day, with it growing to twenty minutes every six hours by 1944. At the start of the war, the Home Ministry of Daitō established more campaigns to generate support for the war. For instance, citizens were encouraged to avoid luxuries and save wealth for the state. The government even reformed its education system by rewriting ethics textbooks to be more nationalistic and militaristic. Schoolchildren were also taught nationalistic songs such as the Umi Yukaba:

      "If I go away to the sea,
      I shall be a corpse washed up.
      If I go away to the mountain,
      I shall be a corpse in the grass
      But if I die for the Emperor,
      It will not be a regret."

   In 1937, the Shinmin no Michi ("The Way of the Subjects") was given to all Daitōjin citizens in order to teach them how they should behave. Similarly, the Daitōjin war ministry issued the Senjinkun ("Field Service Code") in 1941, which tried to educate the soldiers on how to behave during wartime. Specifically, the Senjinkun contained the famous ideal of no-surrender which inspired many Daitōjin servicemen to commit suicide than risk capture or surrender. It did not, however, prohibit retreat as popular narratives of the war suggest, as the utility of this directive was to prevent Ardian forces from gaining useful intelligence that could harm the war effort. Observation of civilian wartime diaries and letters suggest that the government was successful in garnering massive support for the war. Despite the rationing that causes food shortages, many Daitōjin were happy to oblige. Hasegawa Etsuko, a housewife from Shimanto, wrote: For fish, the community council gave us a distribution of only shrimp and swordfish; we can't get either pork or beef. I have the feeling that little by little there will be shortages but that in war, we must aim for frugality even in small ways and we must be careful about waste–for the sake of the country." Such sentiments commonplace in Daitō during the war.

   Further speaking to the success of the Daitōjin government, there were only around one thousand deserters every year for the six years of the Greater East Ardian War. While there was some resistance from the Daitōjin, most were supportive of the war effort. In fact, many were prepared to fight against the invaders if the opportunity came. In some areas of Daitō, mostly along the coast, women practiced fighting with bamboo spears, girls vowed that they would kill at least one invader before they died, and children practiced throwing balls in anticipation that they would be throwing grenades at the enemy. There were even reports of mass civilian suicides during the First Battle of Yakushima, likely an effort to avoid capture. This was partially due to loyalty for the emperor and fear tactics from the Daitōjin government, whose propaganda had spread the idea that Ardian soldiers would commit atrocities against innocent civilians. For the other Daitōjin civilians, there was a general sense of sorrow at the time of the war's end. Kobayashi Heiji, a teenager who was tasked with war work, wrote a statement in his diary at the announcement of an armistice: "Cry! Let's cry until we can't any longer. Later we'll probably see the outpouring of a new power."
IIb. Food in Wartime Daitō
   Agricultural production on the mainland held up well during the war up until the bombing started. It fell from an index of 110 in 1942 to 84 in 1944 and only 65 in 1945. Worse, imports dried up. The Daitōjin food rationing system was effective throughout the war, and there were no serious incidences of malnutrition. A government survey in Shinkyō showed that in 1944, families depended on the black market for 9% of their rice, 38% of their fish, and 69% of their vegetables. At the time, the Daitōjin food supply depended upon imports, which were largely cut off by the renewed Ardian submarine campaign starting in 1943 and the bombing campaign. Likewise, there was little deep sea fishing, so that the fish ration by 1941 was mostly squid harvested from coastal waters. The result was a growing food shortage, especially in the cities. There was some malnutrition but no reported starvation. Despite government rationing of food, some families were forced to spend more than their monthly income could offer on black market food purchases. They would rely on savings or exchange food for clothes or other possessions.
IIc. Daitōjin Women During the War
   According to oral history, traditional paternalistic norms proved a barrier when the government wanted to exploit woman power more fully for the war effort. Compulsory employment in munitions factories was possible for unmarried women, but social norms prevented married women from doing that sort of work, in sharp contrast to Achkaerin, Ardia, and other belligerents in the conflict. The absence of so many young men dramatically disrupted long-standing patterns of marriage, fertility, and family life. Severe shortages of ordinary items, including food and housing, were far more oppressive than governmental propaganda efforts. Daitōjin women obediently followed orders, and there were no serious disruptions such as rioting over food shortages during the war.

   Beginning in the late 20th century cultural historians turned their attention to the role of women in wartime, especially the Greater East Ardian War. Sources often used include magazines published—by men—for female readers. Typically fictional and nonfictional stories focused on social roles as mothers and wives, especially in dealing with hardships of housing and food supplies, and financial concerns in the absence of men at war. Problems of fashion wartime were a high priority in such magazines in all major countries. Historians report that the Daitōjin textile and fashion industries were highly successful in adapting to wartime shortages and propaganda needs. Magazines for teenage girls emphasized they must follow patriotic demands that compelled them to give up their adolescent freedoms and transform themselves from shōjo, which connotes adolescent playfulness, into gunkoku shōjo (girls of a military nation), with significant home front responsibilities. Evacuation of women and children from the major cities, out of fear of Ardian bombing, was covered in detail to emphasize willingness to sacrifice for patriotism portrayed through fiction, news articles and photographs. The government controlled all media, and supervised popular magazines so their content would strategically spread the government's goals and propaganda.
IId. The Colonies
   Despite the name used in Daitō, the Greater East Ardian War, more often referred to as simply the Great War abroad, was truly a globe-spanning conflict, and Daitō's colonies were not left unaffected. Paechon, for example, was located just across the Matilda channel from the Ardian territory of Kalasin, as well as being the mid-way point between Ardia and Djabidjan. As a result, it was used throughout the early war as a staging ground for future military operations, including the Kalasinese Campaign in 1941. Paechon, Tsukishima, and later Kalasin's greatest contribution to the war effort was three-fold: firstly, until 1944, the regions provided resources to mainland Daitō, including food and various ores, as well as, to a lesser extent, weapons. Secondly, throughout the war, these territories would, whether willingly in the cases of Paechon and Tsukishima or unwillingly in the case of Kalasin, send workers to Daitō to bolster manufacturing in the country and to help with repairs. Finally, Paechon and Tsukishima would provide troops to Daitō, many of whom would serve in the Southern Expeditionary Force. Kalasin would also contribute troops starting in 1944 with the establishment of the "Empire of Kalasin", a short-lived state which would only survive into the mid-50s.
IIe. Conditions at War's End
   Health and living conditions worsened after the armistice in September of 1945. Most of the housing stock in large cities was destroyed, just as refugees tried to return from the rural areas. Adding to the crisis there was an influx of nearly three-and-a-half million soldiers as well as close to six million Ardian citizens of Ōnishi descent who were resettled after the end of the war in November. Meanwhile, close to 1.6 million Ardians, POWs, and other non-Ōnishi left Daitō. The government implemented pro-natalist policies, which led to an increase in the marriage rate, however, fertility rates remained steady until they declined for a time after the war, owing in no small part to the stress of the last year of the war and the hardships faced in the early post-war period. The Ardian bombing campaign of all major cities severely impacted the economy, as did the shortages of oil and raw materials that intensified when Daitōjin merchant shipping was mostly sunk by hostile submarines.
III. — A War Against Humanity
   One cannot discuss the late stages of the Great War without, at some point, discussing the many atrocities committed throughout the conflict. To varying degrees, every country involved did so, but for brevity’s sake, only the crimes committed by Daitō and Ardia will be discussed. The war brought out the worst excesses of humanity, with it being one of the darkest chapters in mankind’s long history. Everyone suffered in some way or another, but their suffering should not be forgotten, not for a second.
IIIa. Daitōjin War Crimes
   For its part, Daitō was by no means innocent of committing atrocities during the war. From the use of chemical weapons in the Ryōhaku mountains and massacres of civilians in occupied territories and to the arrest of political dissidents at home and the maltreatment of prisoners of war, it was a systemic issue which the Sonyu administration did nothing to counteract and on occasion even encouraged. Daitōjin soldiers, owing to years of ideological indoctrination, were infamous for their treatment of those who surrendered to the point that after the war, even the YFD, which had in many ways offered its tacit support for them, punished many of the most extreme cases. Particularly egregious actions by the government itself included the 1941 “Enemy Airmen’s Act”, which stated that enemy airmen participating in bombing raids against Daitōjin-held territory would be treated as “violators of the laws of war” and consequently, they would be subject to trial and punishment if captured. The law, which in practice amounted to the performance of show trials for enemy pilots, resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Ardian airmen. The law provided as follows:
Quote
   Article I: This law shall apply to all enemy airmen who raid the Daitōjin homeland, Tsukishima, Kalasin, and the Daitōjin zones of military operations, and who come within the areas under the jurisdiction of the Southern Expeditionary Forces.
   Article II: Any individual who commits any or all of the following infractions shall be subject to military punishment:
      Section 1. The bombing, strafing, and otherwise attacking of civilians with the objective of cowing, intimidating, killing or maiming them.
      Section 2. The bombing, strafing or otherwise attacking of private properties, whatsoever, with the objectives of destroying or damaging them.
      Section 3. The bombing, strafing or otherwise attacking of objectives, other than those of military nature, except in those cases where such an act is unavoidable.
      Section 4. In addition to those acts covered in the preceding three sections, all other acts violating the provisions of International Law governing warfare.
   Article III: Military punishment shall be the death penalty [or] life imprisonment, or a term of imprisonment for not less than ten years.

   This military law shall be applicable to all acts committed prior to the date of its approval.

   While not in itself a war crime as the program was cancelled, the Daitōjin government, starting in 1942, began planning to disseminate linseed cakes infected with anthrax spores into the fields of Ardia. These cakes would've then been eaten by livestock, which would then be consumed by the civilian population, causing the deaths of millions of Ardian civilians. It would've also wiped out the majority of Ardia's livestock, causing a massive food shortage for the rest of the population, causing further deaths and hopefully forcing the Ardian Empire to surrender. The program was nearly completed by early 1944, being tested on the island of Tobishima, which was declared a sacrifice zone after the war and remained quarantined until 1996. Other incidents included the firebombing of Ardian cities in 1942.
IIIb. Massacres during the Satsunan Campaign

Aftermath of the First Battle of Yakushima, c.July 1944
   The Satsunan Campaign, also known as Operations Transitus and Tempestas in Ardia and Operations Ichi-gō and Ni-gō in Daitō, was a pair of military operations in the Rokkenjiman sea between the 11th of June and the 21st of July, 1944 and from the 15th of August to the 17th of September, 1945, although a few islands would see raids throughout the war. The latter of the battles directly contributed to the signing of an armistice which practically ended the Great War for Daitō, although the country briefly reentered the war in early November. The first phase of the Satsunan Campaign was perhaps one of the hardest-fought battles of the war, as the islands played a key role in logistics between Daitō and Toshikawa, not to mention its position in relation to the mainland, granting enemy aircraft the ability to strike deep into mainland Daitō and return safely. As such, it seemed logical that the islands would be attacked, and as a result, from the very beginning of the war, they would be turned into a veritable fortress and their citizens trained for the worst.

   From the 11th of June to the 21st of July, 1944, the First Battle of Yakushima raged across the largest island in the southern Satsunan Islands. Although the actual fighting with the Imperial Daitōjin Army was comparatively brief, it saw nearly 33,000 Ardian and 36,000 Daitōjin casualties sustained, with a further 18,000 civilians left dead. The occupation of the islands by the Ardians, however, was a a far more grim affair. As part of the fortification of the islands, the Imperial Daitōjin Army had trained the local population in guerilla tactics, knowing that, if a major assault were to occur, they wouldn’t be able to hold the islands forever. As a result, although the Army was forced to withdraw on the 21st of July, the fighting continued to a degree, with it being difficult for Ardian forces occupying the islands to determine who was and wasn’t a combatant . As a result, reports of the killings of innocents on the island were commonplace, with further casualties being sustained between the 15th of July, 1944, and the 17th of September, 1945, with the majority being sustained during the liberation of the islands.

   However, the casualties sustained on Yakushima were, compared to during the Battle of Toshima in 1945, fairly mild. While Yakushima was, in theory, an important link in supply-lines to Toshikawa, it was Toshima which was seen by many as the gateway to the mainland, and as a result, it had been heavily fortified and its civilians armed ahead of the invasion in May 1945. It is on the island of Toshima that the term Chi no Shio (lit. "Tide of Blood") originated, referring both to the water, which ran red with the blood of the Ardians on the first days of the invasion, but also a grim reminder of the many massacres committed by Ardian forces during the battle and throughout the island chain as a whole. It is estimated that, between these massacres, mass starvation, and disease, anywhere between 40,000 and 133,000 civilians—10% and 1/3rd of the island’s population—died during and after the Battle of Toshima. Over the course of the sixteen months that Ardia held the Satsunan Islands, it is estimated that nearly 28% of the indigenous Lewchewan population, nearly 765,000 people, were killed by occupying forces in what is now internationally recognized as an act of genocide.
IIIc. Terror Bombing and Operation Favilla

Ardian B-19 bombers dropping incendiary bombs on Okayama, March 28, 1945
   Throughout the war, parts of Daitō had been subjected to the occasional air raid; usually, these were limited to military targets in and around the city of Saito in the Yamanori valley, though there was a recorded instance of an air raid on Shinkyō on the 16th of February, 1941. However, as throughout most of the war, Daitō maintained aerial superiority over the country and these strikes remained, until 1944, limited in scope and damage. The fall of Yakushima in July 1944 changed that. With its capture, Ardian aircraft had a base from which they could strike the heartland of the Empire and return safely, while Daitōjin aircraft in Toshikawa—a significant portion of the Air Forces—was left effectively stranded on the peninsula. At the same time, the specter of an Ardian offensive in the West meant that much of Daitō’s remaining air force was tied down in the Ryōhaku mountains, which allowed for what would become a permanent scar on the Empire. Operation Favilla had begun.

   Operation Favilla, whose name translates as “Ember”, was the term used by Ardian forces for the bombings of strategic targets throughout the Empire of Daitō in mid-1944 and through to August 1945. Though on paper, it was meant to cripple Daitōjin wartime production in an attempt to stave off defeat, it morphed into a reprisal for earlier attacks by the Imperial Daitōjin Air Force and a desperate effort to break the morale of the people. Initially, these strikes were limited to military targets, but in time, they would be expanded to major and minor cities alike. The poor results of the precision bombing campaign that lasted from 1944 to early March, 1945, as well as the success of a raid on the 21st of February in Shinkyō and considering the many tons of incendiaries now made available to him, prompted General Philippe Martel of the Ardian Air Force to begin firebombing attacks on Daitō’s main cities in early March, 1945. This was in line with previous targeting directives, which specified that urban areas were to be accorded the second-highest priority for attacks after aircraft factories. The directives also stated that firebombing raids should be conducted once Mk-56 incendiary bombs had been tested in combat and the number of B-19s available was sufficient to launch an intensive campaign.

   It cannot be overstated just how much the Ardians knew about what they were planning ahead of the raids. As early as 1943, IAAF planners had been assessing the feasibility of a firebombing campaign against Daitōjin cities. This was due to Daitō’s main industrial facilities being vulnerable to such attacks, given that they were concentrated in several large cities and a high proportion of production took place in homes and small factories in urban areas. The planners had estimated that incendiary bomb attacks on Daitō’s six largest cities of that time—Shinkyō, Azumino, Awara, Urasoe, Yuzawa, and Hatsukaichi—could cause physical damage to almost 40% of industrial facilities and result in the loss of nearly 7.6 million man-months of labor. It was also estimated that these attacks would kill over 500,000 people, render 7.75 million homeless, and force over 3.5 million to be evacuated. With further testing, these estimates only grew. Thus, again, one cannot truly claim that they did not know what they were to unleash, and indeed, it is quite probable that this was exactly what they wanted to achieve. On the 3rd of March, 1945, the Empire of Ardia chose to begin terror bombings over Daitō.
IIId. The March Firebombing Campaign

A road passing through a part of Shinkyō which was destroyed in the March 7th air raid
   The first firebombing attack in this campaign—codenamed Operation Taberna—was carried out against Shinkyō on the night of the 6th and 7th of March and proved to be the single most destructive air raid of the war. The Ardian bomber command mounted a maximum effort, and in the evening of 6 March, 1945, 344 B-19s left Yakushima, bound for Shinkyō. They began to arrive over the city at around midnight on the 10th of March, and 279 bombers dropped 1,665 tons of bombs. The raid caused a massive conflagration that overwhelmed Shinkyō’s civil defenses and destroyed 41 square kilometers of buildings, representing roughly seven percent of the city’s urban area. The Shinkyō metropolitan police force and fire department estimated that around 86,438 people were killed in the air raid, another 46,771 were injured, and just over a million were left homeless; post-war estimates of deaths in this attack range from 87,000 to nearly 130,000. Damage to Shinkyō’s war production was also substantial, while Daitōjin opposition to the attack was relatively weak. Just 12 B-19s were destroyed as a result of combat or mechanical faults, while 46 were damaged by anti-aircraft fire. Following the attack on Shinkyō, the Daitōjin government ordered the evacuation of all schoolchildren in the third to sixth grades from major cities, and by early April, nearly 87% of them had departed to the countryside. The attack on Shinkyō was followed up with similar raids on major cities, notably seeing parts of Awara and Saito burned.

   The IAAF determined that the firebombing campaign had been highly successful, and noted that Ardian losses during these attacks were much lower than those incurred during daylight precision raids. Accordingly, plans were developed for a two-stage campaign against 22 Daitōjin cities. It was recommended that precision bombing attacks on particularly important industrial facilities continue in parallel to the air raids, however. While this campaign was intended to form part of preparations for an invasion of the mainland, many expected that it would be enough to force Daitō to surrender. The Daitōjin government was concerned about the results of the March firebombing attacks as the raids had demonstrated that the Daitōjin military was, at that point, incapable of protecting the nation’s airspace. As well as the extensive physical damage in the targeted cities, the attacks caused increased absenteeism as civilians were afraid to leave their homes to work in factories which could be bombed. Daitōjin air defenses were reinforced in response to the firebombing raids over time, but by the time it became adequate, the damage had already been done.
IIIe. Destruction of Major Cities

Ardian B-19 bomber over Okayama, June 6, 1945.
   The start of the major firebombing campaign was delayed as the forces stationed on Yakushima were used to attack airfields in southern Daitō from late March to mid-May in support of the attempted invasion of Toshima, an island only a few hundred kilometers from Shinkyō. Prior to the landings in April, the forces bombed airfields in Tōkaidō at Takahama and Nagi as well as an aircraft plant at Konan on the 28th of March, and struck Toyo and Nahari again on the 31st of the month. No B-19s were lost in these raids. From the 6th of April, Daitōjin forces conducted large-scale air raids on the Ardian invasion fleet, during which aircraft damaged or sank many warships and transports. As part of the response, Ardian forces on Yakushima conducted major raids on airfields in Tōsandō on the 9th and 15th of April, though the first of these attacks was diverted to strike residential areas in Susami after the airfields were found to be covered by clouds. From 15 April until 11 May, when the B-19s were released for other duties, about three-quarters of their effort was devoted to attacking airfields and other targets in direct support for the Battle of Toshima: this included 2,111 sorties flown against 17 airfields. These raids cost them 21 B-19s destroyed and 235 damaged and failed to completely suppress attacks from the targeted airfields.

   A few attacks on Daitōjin cities were conducted during the Battle of Toshima. On the 1st of April, a night precision bombing raid was flown against the Zayasu engine factory in Shinkyō by 119 B-19s and three similar attacks were conducted against engine factories in Mine, Matsue, and Toyohashi on the night of the 3rd. These raids were unsuccessful as the Ardians lacked the specialized equipment necessary to strike targets accurately at night, and Martel decided not to conduct similar operations. Small forces of B-19s also struck Shinkyō and nearby Matsusaka on the 4th of April. Two successful large-scale precision bombing raids were flown against aircraft factories in Shinkyō and Hamamatsu  on the 7th of April; the raid on Shinkyō was the first to be escorted by Ardian F-4s, recently delivered to Yakushima earlier that month. The Ardians claimed to have shot down 47 Daitōjin aircraft for a loss of six F-4s and eight B-19s. Over 250 B-19s struck three different aircraft factories on the 11th; during this operation, the 16th Bombardment Wing inflicted heavy damage on the Hiratsuka aircraft plant and fought off 116 Daitōjin fighters without loss.

   Night firebombing raids resumed on the 13th when 330 B-19s attacked the arsenal district of Shinkyō and destroyed 30 square km of the city, including several armaments factories. On the 15th of April, 303 aircraft attacked the Shinkyō region and destroyed 16 square kilometers of Shinkyō, 9.3 square kilometers of Hamamatsu, and 3.9 square kilometers of Itoigawa for the loss of sixteen bombers. On the 24th, the Shinoda aircraft engine factory at Nishikatsura near Shinkyō was destroyed by 130 B-19s. Another precision raid was made against the Hikami Naval Aircraft Factory at Kyūre on the 5th of May, when 148 B-19s inflicted heavy damage on the facility. Five days later, B-19s successfully attacked oil storage facilities at Ogano, Yokoze, and Takashima. On the 11th of May, a small force destroyed an airframe factory in Nantan. Firebombing raids on major cities resumed in mid-May, continuing in large part until June. A number of major cities along the coast were struck, killing thousands and leaving many more homeless in the aftermath.
Attacks on Minor Cities

Yura burns after a B-19 raid, August 1st, 1945
   In mid-June, a proposal was approved for Ardian forces based on Yakushima to attack 25 relatively small cities with populations ranging from 60,000 to 325,000 while also continuing precision raids on major targets. This decision was made despite a recommendation that operations against Daitō should focus on the country’s transportation network and other targets with the goal of crippling the movement of goods and destroying food supplies. The plan undertaken instead called for precision attacks on important industrial targets on days when the weather over Daitō was clear and incendiary attacks guided by radar on overcast days. As both the cities and industrial facilities targeted were relatively small, the B-19 force would be sent against multiple locations on days in which attacks were conducted. This targeting policy, the “Downfall Plan”, remained in place until Ardian forces were pushed out of Yakushima in September.

   Five major precision bombing attacks were conducted as part of the Downfall Plan. On the 9th of June, two groups of B-19s bombed an aircraft factory at Sumoto and another two groups raided a factory in Aishō; both facilities were badly damaged. A single group of bombers attempted to strike an Aizawa Aircraft Company factory at Tatsuno but accidentally struck a nearby village instead. The next day, bombers and their escorts successfully attacked six different factories in the Shinkyō Bay region. Precision bombing raids were also conducted on 22 June, when 382 B-19s attacked six targets at Kyūre, Kakamigahara, Yura, Tosashimizu, and Ikata in the Mutsu sea region. Most of the factories were badly damaged. The firebombing campaign against small cities continued throughout June and July. On the night of June 17, B-19s struck Fukui, Kōchi, and Sakai. On the 26th of June, Sakawa, Niyodogawa, Bizen, and Hokuei were attacked. Kanazawa, Kyūre, Izumozaki, and Kitakata were attacked on the 1st of July, while two nights later, Natori and Tagajō were burned. These raids continued until the 26th of July. It is estimated that Ardian terror bombings killed anywhere between 241,000 and 900,000 civilians and left a further 213,000 to 1.3 million wounded, while 8.5 million were rendered homeless. Yet in spite of it all, and with an invasion of Tōshima imminent, a new weapon was delivered to the island on the 1st of August, one which would change the face of the world forever and would herald the coming of a new age.
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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #17 on: June 02, 2023, 08:24:30 PM »
Chapter Seventeen — The Greater East Ardia War, Part Three: Final Days of the War (1939 - 1945 CE)
I. — Nuclear Attack
Ia. Background

Hatsukaichi, c.1944
   Early in the morning of the 5th of August, 1945, a flight of bombers took off not from Yakushima, but rather, from an airbase in Ardia proper. Six in number, these B-19s flew north, passing over Yakushima where they were joined by their escorts. From there, they turned north-west, flying towards the Mutsu Inland Sea in Daitō. Their payload, their mission, all of it is top secret. The men aboard knew were about to do, whatever reservations they may have had, now long-since passed. That day, they were going to make history and change the face of war, no, the world itself forever. They were going to drop the bomb—the Atomic Bomb—as a last-ditch effort to eliminate a major participant in the Great War and reach a settlement with their enemy. But this day did not have to come, not like this, anyways.

   On the 25th of July, Ardian leaders issued a declaration which outlined the terms of surrender for Daitō. The declaration was presented as an ultimatum and stated that without a surrender, Ardia would launch a direct invasion of mainland Daitō, resulting in “the inevitable and complete destruction of the Daitōjin armed forces and just as inevitably the utter devastation of the Daitōjin homeland”. The atomic bomb was not, however, mentioned in the communique. On the 28th of July, Daitōjin papers reported that the declaration had been rejected by the government. That afternoon, Prime Minister Sonyu declared at a peace conference that their declaration was nothing more than a rehash of prior statements, that the government intended to ignore it, and that Daitō would fight until the end, or at least until it had liberated all of its territory presently under occupation. Emperor Kunan, who, after witnessing the devastation brought to his country, privately wished to make peace, made no move to challenge the government's position. The only surrender Daitō was willing to accept would be conditional on the preservation of the kokutai, assumption by the Imperial Headquarters of disarmament and demobilization, that there would be no occupation of the homeland, Tsukishima, or the Satsunan and Miyako islands, and that any punishment of supposed war criminals be delegated to the Daitōjin government.

   Meanwhile, the city of Hatsukaichi had been a city of industrial and military significance. A number of military units were located nearby, the most important of which being the headquarters of Field Marshal Itsurō Matsushige’s Second General Army, which commanded the defense of western Daitō and was located in Hatsukaichi Castle. His command encompassed some 400,000 men, most of whom were near Jōshū and Tenkyō, where an Ardian invasion was anticipated. Also present in the city were the headquarters of the 38th Army, the 11th Division, and the 219th Division, a recently formed mobile unit. The city was defended by five batteries of 70mm and 80mm anti-aircraft guns belonging to the 4th Anti-Aircraft, including units from the 120th and 121st Anti-Aircraft Regiments and the 28th and 41st Separate Anti-Aircraft Battalions. In total, an estimated 40,000 Daitōjin military personnel were stationed in the city. Hatsukaichi was also a supply and logistics base for the Daitōjin military. The city was a communications center, a key port for shipping, and an assembly area for troops. It supported a large war industry, manufacturing parts for planes and boats, for bombs, rifles, and handguns. The center of the city contained several reinforced concrete buildings and lighter structures. Outside of the center, the area was congested by a dense collection of small timber workshops set among Daitōjin houses. A few larger industrial plants lay near the outside of the city. The houses were constructed of timber with tile roofs, and many of the industrial buildings were built in a similar fashion. As a whole, the city was highly susceptible to fires. It was the second largest city after Tenkyō that was spared destruction by air raids, primarily because it lacked the aircraft manufacturing industry that was a primary target. The population of Hatsukaichi had reached a peak of around 443,000 earlier in the war, but prior to the atomic bombing, the population had steadily decreased because of a systematic evacuation ordered by the Daitōjin government. At the time of the attack, the population was estimated at around 370,000-380,000. Residents wondered why the city had been spared destruction by firebombing. Some speculated that the city was being preserved as an Ardian occupation headquarters, others thought their relatives in Ardia, immigrants who went to the country decades prior, had petitioned the Ardian government to spare the city. Some even correctly assumed, in a way, that the Ardians were planning something entirely new for the city. The city’s officials, however, expecting that they would be struck in time, had ordered buildings torn down to create long, straight firebreaks. These continued to be expanded and extended up to the morning of the 5th of August, 1945.
Ib. Detonation

Firestorm cloud over Hatsukaichi three hours after the bombing, August 5th, 1945
   Hatsukaichi was the primary target of the first atomic bombing mission on the 5th of August, with Otsu and Yuzawa as alternative targets. The 71st Bombardment Squadron’s B-19 Aquila, commanded by Col. François Betrand, took off from East Field, Lafarre in Ardia, approximately six hours’ flight time from Daitō. Aquila was initially accompanied by two other B-19s: Phoenix, commanded by Maj. Auguste Fournier, which carried instrumentation, and a then-unnamed aircraft later called Umbra, commanded by Captain Mathias Beauchêne. Umbra was the photography aircraft. After leaving Lafarre, the aircraft made their way separately towards Yakushima in order to rendezvous with the rest of their flight at 05:55 and 2,800 meters before setting a course for Daitō. The aircraft arrived over the target in clear visibility at 9,470 meters. The crew of Aquila armed the bomb mid-flight to minimize the risks during takeoff; they had already, over their careers, seen multiple B-19s crash during takeoff and feared that a nuclear explosion would occur if a B-19 crashed with an armed bomb, nicknamed Cadeau by the crew, onboard. The safety devices on the bomb were removed approximately 33 minutes before reaching the target area.

   During the night of 4-5 August, Daitōjin early warning radar detected the approach of numerous Ardian aircraft headed for the southern part of Daitō. Radar detected 65 bombers headed for Kurashiki, 102 bound for Kaga, 261 en route to Tsubame, 111 headed for Muroto, and 66 bound for Imari. An alert was given and radio broadcasting stopped in many cities, among them Hatsukaichi. The all-clear was sounded in Hatsukaichi at 00:05. About an hour before the bombing, the air raid alert sounded again as one of the bombers, performing weather reconnaissance, flew over the city. It broadcast a short message which was picked up by Aquila. It read, quote, "Cloud cover less than 3/10th at all altitudes. Advice: bomb primary.” The all-clear was sounded over Hatsukaichi again at 07:09. At 8:09, Betrand started his bomb run and handed control over to his bombardier, Major Philippe Dupond. At 08:15, the bomb bay opened and the bomb dropped. As Cadeau fell towards the city, the arming wires were removed, starting its internal clocks. As the flight banked away, the bomb’s radar activated, sending signals towards the ground. At the predetermined altitude, around 580 meters above the city, an electrical signal reached the fuse, closing the circuit on the bomb. Just over 43 seconds after Cadeau left the bomber, a bright light filled the plane and the first shockwave violently shook it. Behind them, Hatsukaichi vanished in a boiling mushroom cloud.
Ic. Events on the ground

Hatsukaichi, August 5th, 1945
   Those on the ground reported a pika—a brilliant flash of light—followed by a don—a loud booming sound. Some 80,000-90,000 people, around 21% of the population of Hatsukaichi at the time, were killed by the blast and resultant firestorm, and another 90,000 were injured. It is estimated that as many as 30,000 Daitōjin military personnel were killed. Later surveys estimated that around 12km² of the city was destroyed, while Daitōjin officials determined that 69% of Hatsukaichi’s buildings were destroyed and another 6 to 7 percent were damaged. Some of the reinforced concrete buildings in Hatsukaichi had been built very strongly as a result of the danger of earthquakes in the region, and as a result, their framework did not collapse even though they were fairly close to the blast center. Since the bomb detonated in the air, the blast was directed more downward than sideways, which was largely responsible for the survival of buildings such as the Prefectural Commercial Exhibition, now commonly known as the Genbaku (A-bomb) dome, which was only 130 meters from ground zero. The ruin was named the Hatsukaichi Peace Memorial in the 1960s, with it being one of the most famous sites in the country and a contender for a CETO Site of International Importance. The bombing started intense fires that spread rapidly through timber and paper homes, burning everything in a radius of two kilometers. As in other Daitōjin cities, the firebreaks proved ineffective.

   The air raid warning had been cleared at 07:31, and many people were outside, going about their activities. The city had a slightly higher population on that day as preparations for an upcoming festival were underway. Eiji Yasuda was the closest known survivor, being in the basement of a reinforced concrete building only 170 meters from ground zero at the time of the attack. He died in 1981, aged 83. Itsuko Togami was also among the closest survivors to the blast, being in the sturdily-built Bank of Hatsukaichi, a mere 300 meters from ground-zero at the time of the attack. It is estimated that over 90 percent of doctors and 93 percent of nurses in Hatsukaichi were killed or injured—most had been in the downtown area which received the greatest damage. The hospitals were destroyed or heavily damaged. Only one doctor, Jiro Harukawa, remained on duty at Hosogi Hospital. Nonetheless, by early afternoon, the police and volunteers had established evacuation centers at hospitals, schools, and tram stations, and a morgue was established at the Sasaki library. Survivors of the blast gathered for medical treatment, but many would die before receiving help, leaving rings of corpses around the hospitals.

   Most elements of the Second General Army headquarters were undergoing physical training on the grounds of Hatsukaichi Castle, merely 800 meters from the hypocenter. The attack killed an estimated 3,471 on the parade ground. The communications room of the Kinai Military District Headquarters that was responsible for issuing and lifting air raid warnings was located in a semi-basement in the castle. Makoto Rinzaki, a Kagamino Girls High School student who had been mobilized to serve as a communications officer, had just sent a message that an alarm had been issued for Hatsukaichi and neighboring towns when the bomb exploded. She used a special phone to notify the Headquarters in Kyōtango, just 130 km away, that “Hatsukaichi has been attacked by a new type of bomb. The city is in a state of near-total destruction.”

   Since Hatsukaichi’s mayor had been killed while eating breakfast at his residence, Field Marshal Itsurō Matsushige, who had only been mildly wounded, took over the administration of the city and coordinated relief efforts. Most of his staff, including a grandson of Toshikatsu Heike, Katsumoto Heike, who was serving as a Lieutenant Colonel at the time, had been killed or fatally wounded. As a result, Matsushige’s most senior staff officer, the wounded Colonel Takeshi Haruno, was made his acting chief of staff. Soldiers from the Hatsukaichi Chuo Harbor used Taifū-class suicide motorboats, intended to repel an Ardian invasion, to collect the wounded and take them down the rivers to a military harbor in Chuo. Trucks and trains brought in relief supplies and evacuated survivors from the city. For his efforts in the aftermath of the bombing, Field Marshal Matsushige was ennobled as a Count and was awarded the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun. He is commemorated with a statue in Hatsukaichi, just outside of the city hall.

   Natsuki Yamahata, a photojournalist from Hatsukaichi, was at home around 2.7 km from the hypocenter at the time of the explosion. He was not seriously injured and determined to go into the city center. A fire forced him to flee back to Sembonmatsu bridge, where the scene of desperate and dying people prevented him from using his camera for nearly twenty minutes, when he took two frames at around 11:00. He tried again later but felt too nauseated to take more than three more frames. The first two photos were of people who escaped serious injury near to Sembonmatsu bridge; the second of these is taken closer up and shows them having cooking oil applied to their burns. A third shows a policeman, his head bandaged, issuing certificates to civilians. The last pair are taken close to home: one of the damage to his uncle’s barbershop, and another out of his window. Yamahata was unable to develop them for nearly twenty days. When he was finally able to do so, he had to do so at night and in the open, rinsing them in a stream. The negatives had deteriorated severely by 1977, at which point they required extensive restoration. Yamahata’s photos are the only known surviving photos of Hatsukaichi on the day of the blast.
Id. Daitōjin realization of the bombing
   The Shinkyō control operator of the Yamato Broadcasting Corporation (YHK) noticed that the Hatsukaichi station had gone off the air. He tried to reestablish his program by using another telephone line, but it too had failed. About 20 minutes later, the Shinkyō railroad telegraph center realized that the main line telegraph stopped working just north of Hatsukaichi. From some small railway stops within 16 km of the city came unofficial and confused reports of a dreadful explosion in Hatsukaichi. All of these reports were transmitted to the headquarters of the Imperial Daitōjin Army General Staff. Military bases tried to call the Army Control Station in Hatsukaichi. The complete silence from the city puzzled the General Staff; they knew that no large enemy raid had occurred and that no sizable store of explosives was in the city at that time. A young officer was ordered to fly immediately to Hatsukaichi, to land, survey the damage, and return to Shinkyō with reliable information for the staff. It was felt at the time that nothing serious had taken place and that the explosion was merely a rumor.

   This staff officer, Jirō Sanmiya, went to the airport and took off heading southeast. After flying for about three hours, while still over 150 km, from Hatsukaichi, he and his pilot saw a great cloud of smoke from the firestorm created by the bomb. After circling the city to survey the damage, they landed south of the city, where Sanmiya, after reporting to Shinkyō, began to organize relief measures. Shinkyō’s first indication that the city had been destroyed by a new type of bomb came from the Ardian Emperor’s announcement of the strike sixteen hours later. In the Ardian Emperor’s speech, he claimed that the Empire was "prepared to rain down ruin from the air, the likes of which has never been seen in this world’s history. Behind this air attack will follow sea and land forces in such numbers and power as they have not yet seen and with the fighting skill of which they are well aware.” This widely broadcast speech was picked up by Daitōjin news agencies. Likewise, the 50,000-watt standard wave station on Yakushima, built in 1941, broadcast a similar message to Daitō in 15 minute intervals about the fate of Hatsukaichi, stating that more Daitōjin cities would face as similar fate in the absence of immediate acceptance of the terms given, urging for civilians to evacuate major cities. Radio Fusan, which continued to extoll victory for Daitō by never surrendering, likewise informed the Daitōjin of the destruction of Hatsukaichi by a single bomb. Prime Minister Sonyu felt compelled to meet the Daitōjin press, to whom he reiterated his government’s commitment to the war-effort, to ignore Ardian demands, and to fight on.

   On the 6th of August, a day after Hatsukaichi was bombed, Dr. Yōichi Yaegashi, accompanied by other atomic physicists from both Daitō and her allies, arrived in the city and carefully examined the damage. They then went back to Shinkyō and told the cabinet that Hatsukaichi was indeed destroyed by a nuclear weapon. Admiral Gakuto Fuchigami, the Chief of the Naval General Staff, estimated that Ardia could not have any additional bombs readied, and thus recommended that Daitō endure any future attacks and proceed with the operation to liberate Yakushima, acknowledging the potential of more destruction as the war went on. He was lucky, as post-war estimates indicated that Ardia would not have a second atomic bomb before December of 1945. Nonetheless, even as the Empire’s population steeled itself for what was to come, most in the cabinet acknowledged that, with supply lines all but severed and faced with the potential for further air raids which would likely cripple the state for decades to come, it needed a way out. Thus, although some had doubted whether it would be worth it, the Supreme War Council gave the order, on the 13th of August, to launch the invasion of Yakushima so that it could, if the Empire so desired, make peace without the loss of territory to Ardia. The final stage of the war had begun.
II. — The Final Battle
   The Second Battle of Yakushima, which lasted from the 15th to the 28th of August, 1945, was the final battle of the Great War to involve the Empire of Daitō. Resulting in nearly 90,000 military and more than 130,000 civilian casualties, it was one of the bloodiest battles of the Satsunan Islands campaign, yet spared the Empire from further loss of life as a whole. The battle began with an aerial campaign that lasted two days, targeting key Ardian military installations across the island, during which time many of the Ardian Empire’s fighter aircraft were shot down or destroyed on the ground. Furthermore, the Ardian fleet was also targeted in these air raids, both in the Satsunan islands and in ports on the mainland, with notably the IN Rodez and Aulnay, among the last aircraft carriers operated by the Ardian Empire, being sunk as a result. The ground invasion began just after midnight on the 15th of August with the landing of paratroopers on the islands of Yakushima and Kumejima. They would secure airbases on the islands, allowing for the arrival of troops via them. The main thrust of the attack began at 07:00 that morning, with landings occurring at Kuninao, Tomori, and Saneku beaches on Yakushima, as well as attacks at Shinri and Maehama beaches on Kumejima. These attacks would go less than perfectly, with it taking until the 23rd for the beachheads on Yakushima to be connected, a task which was intended to be completed on the 20th.

   The next week was spent advancing deeper inland, aiming to link up with the paratroopers that had landed at the start of the invasion. The towns of Uken and Setouchi were liberated on the 24th, while fighting raged in the city of Isen from the 25th to the 26th. This objective, linking up with their forces further inland, would be achieved on the 27th. From there, over the course of the next twenty-one days, Daitōjin forces would engage in a number of operations to liberate parts of the islands, with the final holdouts on Yakushima and Kumejima early in the morning of the 28th. The Satsunan islands campaign was declared complete at 07:00 on the 28th, just as negotiations with Ardia were underway.

   At noon on the 29th of August, 1945, the Emperor of Daitō, Emperor Kunan, delivered an address to his subjects declaring that a settlement had been reached with the Ardian Empire, a ceasefire which would exist along all fronts that Daitōjin forces were operating in. No change of territory would occur as some had hoped, and any Ardian forces in Daitō and likewise any Daitōjin forces in Ardia would withdraw to the pre-war borders. Prisoners would be exchanged and the sea-lanes would be opened. For the citizens of Daitō, indoctrinated to believe this war was not only necessary, but just and perhaps even mandated by the gods, however, it was perceived not as merely a ceasefire, but as defeat. Indeed, even those who recognized it as a victory, even if only barely, often wrote that it was bitter enough that it tasted of defeat, and there were rumors and reports that, in the intervening weeks, small-scale uprisings had occurred in some towns across the Empire, but little came of them in the aftermath. For Daitō, the war was, save for a brief reentry into the conflict shortly before war's end, after six long years, finally over. Aided by its allies, the time had come to rebuild.
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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #18 on: June 17, 2023, 06:07:46 AM »
Chapter Eighteen — The Late Kunan Era, Part One: Reconstruction and Economic Growth (1945 - 1982 CE)
I. — The Victory Which Tasted of Defeat

Ia. The Board of Reconstruction

Clockwise from Left: Roadside market in Shinkyō, c.1946, A line for food distribution in Shinkyō, c.1946, Daitōjin troops return from overseas, c.1946, IDN Agano capsized in Kyūre, c.April 1946, Cherry blossoms in Azumino, c.1948, Street of Okayama, c.1949, Ruins of Tosashimizu, c.1946

   In the immediate aftermath of the armistice, Daitō had been left in ruins. The empire was reduced to near-famine levels of food production, the effects of which were amplified by the wholesale destruction of major cities and aggravated by population transfers between the Ardian Empire and its successors and Daitō. Furthermore, its industrial base had been left in shambles, requiring much in the way of reconstruction. The Empire’s GDP is estimated to have, between 1939 and 1945, shrunk by as much as 47%, with much of the population reduced to abject poverty. In order to counteract this existential threat to the state, plans had been underway as early as March to establish, after the war had ended, a joint Achkaerinese-Daitōjin "Board of Reconstruction", more commonly referred to as the "Reconstruction Authority", headed by Achkaerin's Maj. General Scott Martindale and General Yoshito Akutsu of Daitō. It was formally established on the 26th of September, 1945, just a week after the ceasefire. Based in Shinkyō, it operated as an agency of the Imperial Government, offering advice and undertaking new policies to assist in the rebuilding of the Empire. Prime Minister Hisayuki Sonyu objected to the establishment of the Reconstruction Authority and turned in his resignation on the 29th of September, with Kazumasa Toshinari, his protege, being appointed in his stead. Toshinari had, over the course of the war, become more and more of a moderate within the YFD, wishing to establish some semblance of a proper democracy within the Yokusan system he himself had forged. His premiership would ultimately last until 1956, but his legacy within the country would stretch into the modern day.
Ib. Initial Phase of Reconstruction
   The initial phase of the reconstruction of Daitō, which lasted from 1945 until 1947, saw significant social, political, and economic reforms in order to aid in reconstruction of the now-fragile Imperial state. To all save for the most extreme members of the YFD, the reforms proposed were seen as necessary to ensure that the country survived, let alone thrived. But before such reforms could occur, there were far bigger issues to be managed, ones which, if left alone, would prevent the "RA" from even getting to work to begin with.

   Before the reforms could be undertaken, Martindale's first priority was to set up a food distribution network. Following the Great War and the associated wholesale destruction of most major cities, virtually the entire Daitōjin population, save those in Tsukishima, was starving. The air raids on Daitō’s urban centers left millions displaced, and food shortages, created by bad harvests and the demands of the war, worsened when wartime treaties for the importation of food from abroad were cut off. The repatriation of individuals of Ōnishi descent from the former Ardian Empire and hundreds of thousands of soldiers and demobilized prisoners of war only served to aggravate the hunger problem, as these people put more strain on already scarce resources. It is estimated that around 7.5 million Ōnishi arrived in Daitō in the fifteen months following October 1, 1945, and a further two million entered the country in 1947. As emphasized by Sachio Araki, a pro-democracy minister in Toshinari’s cabinet, “Democracy cannot be learned by the starving”. Initially, the RA was able to secure emergency food relief through funds allocated by the Daitōjin and Achkaerinese governments. In 1946, this aid amounted to $95 million in loans. From April 1946 onwards, under the guise of establishing "Licensed Agencies for Relief in Ardia", private relief organizations were also permitted to provide relief. Even with these measures, however, millions of people were still left on the brink of starvation for several years after the war.

   On October 4th, at the recommendation of the Reconstruction Authority, the Imperial Diet passed the Civil Liberties Act, which mandated the abolishment of fifteen existing laws, including the 1937 Peace Preservation Law and the 1939 Ideological Prisoner Custody and Surveillance Law, as well as the release of all political prisoners taken during the course of the Great War. The purpose of the Civil Liberties Act was to dismantle the oppressive policies imposed by the Sonyu administration on the Daitōjin citizenry between 1937 and 1945, something which much of the YFD took to in an effort to distance itself from the former Prime Minister who had led the nation into ruin. It is estimated that, after its passage, 3,000 political prisoners were released. Although parts of Daitō had, prior to the war, allowed women to vote in local elections, it had not been a nationwide policy. However, in November 1945, the Daitōjin government, at the urging of the Reconstruction Authority, agreed to lower the voting age and extend the voting franchise to women in future elections. The special elections held on the 3rd of May, 1946, saw 79.48% voter turnout among men and 68.71% among women, giving Daitō its first Prime Minister partially elected by women, Kazumasa Toshinari. Toshinari had, after all, remained popular after the war, far more than his predecessor ever could’ve hoped to, anyways. On the 14th of December, 1945, at the RA’s urging, the Diet passed Daitō’s first ever trade union law protecting the rights of workers to form or join a union, to organize, and to take industrial action. There had been pre-war attempts to do so, but none had been successfully passed until after the war. A new Trade Union Law was passed in 1949 which remains in place to this day. According to the 1949 Trade Union Law, the purpose of the act is to “elevate the status of workers by promoting their being on equal standing with their employers.” As part of efforts to reduce administrative strain, the country was reorganized into a series of federal Provinces (州, Shū) and Circuits (道, ). This system, known as the Dōshūsei System (道州制), remains in place to this day, granting greater autonomy to the various regions of the country.
Ic. The Purge
   In January 1946, the Imperial Daitōjin government issued rescripts calling for the purge of certain individuals from public offices, officially to “ensure the safe and orderly transition of the Imperial State into the Post-War environment”. Individuals targeted included those determined by the Imperial government to have violated international laws during the war, leaders of ultranationalist societies, and anti-democratic leaders within the YFD. While the purge certainly was in part in order to ensure stability, many now see it as also being a play by Toshinari to strengthen his faction's position within the party, allowing him to pass through reforms to keep the Yokusan system sustainable going into the future. After all, the pre- and mid-war YFD’s ideology would’ve undoubtedly found itself incapable of adapting to the post-war environment, which he and his allies recognized even at the height of the war. Approximately 500,000 individuals were screened by the RA, with a further 133,271 excluded from holding public office for a variety of reasons. However, as a result of the RA’s shift in course in 1947, most of those purged would be de-purged and allowed to return to public life by 1951.
Id. Dissolution of the Zaibatsus and Labor Reforms
   One of the oldest aims of the YFD was the dissolution of the Zaibatsus, or Financial Cliques. This desire was shared by the RA, which viewed these conglomerates as standing in the way of the reconstruction of the Empire. Even during the Great War, a significant portion of their production capability had been nationalized, while their remaining assets had been highly damaged by Ardian bombings during the war. As such, reforms were passed by the Daitōjin government to curb their power, initially aiming to dissolve the major conglomerates such as Aizawa, Nisso, Riken, and Yasuda. The controlling families’ assets were seized, holding companies eliminated, and interlocking directorships, essential to the old system of inter-company coordination, were outlawed. Despite this, complete dissolution was not achieved, as the efforts undertaken soon proved to have a negative impact on the Daitōjin economy. The Zaibatsus were, as a whole, considered to be widely beneficial to the Daitōjin economy and government, and the opinions of the general public, notably of the zaibatsu workers and management, and of the entrenched bureaucracy regarding plans for zaibatsu dissolution ranged from unenthusiastic to disapproving. As a result, the Toshjinari administration, in keeping with the shift in the course of the Reconstruction Authority’s policies which served as a crippling roadblock to their elimination, changed course.

   The Labor Standards Act was enacted on the 19th of April, 1947, to govern working conditions in Daitō. Per Article 1 of the Act, its goal is to ensure that “Working conditions shall be those which should meet the needs of workers who live lives worthy of human beings”. Support stemming from the RA had introduced better working conditions and pay for numerous employees in Daitōjin businesses. This allowed for more sanitary and hygienic working environments along with welfare and government assistance for health insurance, pension plans, and work involving other trained specialists.  While it was created while Daitō was undergoing its reconstruction, the origins of the act have nothing to do with the Reconstruction Authority, instead being the brainchild of Fumio Sumitomo, the head of the Labor Standards division of the Welfare Ministry.
Ie. Education Reform
   Before and during the war, Daitōjin education was based on the Derusmian system, with “Gymnasien”, or selective grammar schools, and universities to train students after primary school. During the reconstruction period, Daitō’s secondary education system was changed to incorporate three-year junior high schools and senior high schools in a fashion similar to those in Tytor: junior high school became compulsory but senior high school remained optional. Furthermore, the Imperial University system was reorganized, paving the way for more and more to gain access to higher education. The longstanding issue of Onishi script reform, which had been planned for decades but continuously opposed by more conservative elements, was also resolved in this time, with a number of conferences occurring between scholars from Daitō and Toshikawa. The Onishi writing system was drastically reorganized with the Tōyō kanji list in 1946, a predecessor to the modern Jōyō kanji, and orthography was greatly altered to reflect spoken usage.
II. — A Change in Course

   The gyaku kōsu, or Reverse Course, is the name commonly given to a major shift in the Reconstruction Authority’s Policies starting in 1947 as Daitō began to be pulled into the emerging Cold War against the USR and other strategic challenges across the globe. In particular, priorities shifted from merely reforming Daitō’s system of government to ensuring internal stability, rebuilding the shattered economy, and remilitarizing the Empire to the fullest extent possible. This involved relaxing and in some cases even partially undoing reforms that the Reconstruction Authority had enacted in 1945 and 1946. An early sign of the shift in the RA’s thinking came when General Akutsu, the head of the Daitōjin component of the Board of Reconstruction, announced that he would not permit a massive, nationwide general strike that labor unions had scheduled for February 20. Thereafter, the broader shift in the RA’s policies became more and more apparent. Thousands of conservative and nationalist officials from during the war were de-purged and allowed to reenter politics and government ministries. In the industrial sector, plans for further antitrust actions against the remains of the old zaibatsu industrial conglomerates were scrapped, and some earlier antitrust policies were partially undone. The incomplete suppression of the zaibatsu allowed them to partially reform as “informal associations” known as Keiretsu. The RA also attempted to weaken labor unions they had recently empowered, most notably issuing an edict stripping public-sector workers of their right to go on strike.

   In order to stabilize the Daitōjin economy as soon as possible, Achkaerinese bankers were brought in as economic consultants. One of these bankers, John Blanchard, implemented the so-called “Blanchard Line” in 1949, a set of draconian contractionary fiscal and monetary policies which caused much hardship for the Daitōjin people but managed to get rampant inflation under control. Blanchard also fixed the exchange rate at ¥36 mon per $1, a favorable rate which would help boost Daitōjin exports in the years to come and to empower the Daitjōin economic miracle. The Reverse Course climaxed in 1949 with the “Red Purge” in Autumn of 1950. Fearing the influence of the USR, the YFD made plans to eliminate that threat to the Empire. With this in mind, the government and business leaders, with the connivance and encouragement of the RA, purged tens of thousands of communists, alleged communists, and other leftists from government posts, private sector jobs, and teaching positions at schools and universities. The Reverse Course significantly weakened left-wing forces in Daitō while strengthening the conservatives, laying the foundations for decades of their rule. At the same time, however, it did not completely destroy leftist forces that had been unleashed during the early stages of reconstruction, setting the stage for extremely contentious political struggles and labor strife in the 1950s, culminating in the massive Heishi protests in 1960. The Reconstruction Authority was officially abolished on the 9th of March, 1952, with the signing of the Achkaerin-Daitō Security Treaty, a treaty which effectively made Daitō an ally of Achkaerin until the treaty was allowed to expire in 2011. This treaty is seen by many as the groundwork for the present alliance being formed between the two countries, as Daitō had elected a string of isolationist Prime Ministers as Emperor Antei's reign progressed..
III. — The Daitōjin Economic Miracle
IIIa. Background

Clockwise from Left: Aircraft of the Imperial Daitōjin Air Force in 1946, Televisions produced in Daitō, Steel Mill in Aomori Province, A 1965 Isuzu Starlight

   The economic miracle was the result of post-war Daitō benefitting from the Cold War and rising tensions with the USR, as well as the devolving situation in Kalasin. The reforms of the late 40s and early 50s brought significant political, economic, and civil changes to Daitōjin society. It occurred chiefly due to the economic interventionism of the Daitōjin government and partially due to the aid and assistance of the Achkaerinese Aid to Ardia program. After the Great War, Daitō became a significant partner for Achkaerin in East Ardia, one of two potential jumping-off point for allied forces in the event that the Ardian Empire attempted to reform. Likewise, Daitō began building ties with post-Ardian states on the Peninsula as well as a number of other countries, opening new markets to Daitōjin exports. The distinguishing aspects of the Daitōjin economy during the “economic miracle” years included: the cooperation of manufacturers, suppliers, distributors, and banks in close-knit groups called keiretsu; the powerful enterprise unions and shuntō; good relations with government bureaucrats, and the guarantee of lifetime employment in big corporations and blue collar factories. Some scholars argue that Daitō’s postwar economic growth would not have been possible without Daitō’s alliance to Achkaerin, as the country absorbed Daitōjin exports, tolerated controversial Daitōjin trade practices, subsidized the Daitōjin economy for a time, and transferred technology to Daitōjin firms, thereby magnifying the effectiveness of Daitōjin trade policy.

   The Daitōjin financial recovery continued after the Board of Reconstruction was abolished and the economic boom propelled by the numerous conflicts in the former Ardian Empire abated. The Daitōjin economy survived the deep recession caused by a loss of foreign payments for military procurement and continued to make gains. By the 1960s, Daitō had risen from the ashes of the Great War to achieve an astoundingly rapid and complete economic recovery. Per Keiō University Professor Etsuji Sadatomi, the period leading up to the mid-60s saw "“the greatest years of prosperity Daitō had seen since the Sun Goddess shut herself behind a stone door to protest her brother Susano-o’s misbehavior.” The Daitōjin government contributed to the post-war Daitōjin economic miracle by stimulating private sector growth, first by instituting regulations and protectionism that effectively managed economic crises and later by concentrating on trade expansion.
IIIb. Overview of the Economic Miracle
   The Daitōjin economic miracle refers to Daitō’s record period of economic growth between the post-Great War era and the recession in 1991. During the economic boom, Daitō went from an impoverished, war-weary state to the world’s second largest economy. Although you can in theory extend this period to the modern day, as Daitō’s economy remained stagnant for the better part of the 1990s and early 2000s, the later period of economic growth seen from 2003 onwards is generally viewed as its own period. The economic miracle is generally divided into four stages: the recovery (1946 - 1954), the high increase (1954 - 1973), the steady increase (1973 - 1992) and the low increase (1992 - 2003). Although heavily damaged by the nuclear bombardment of Hatsukaichi and other Ardian air raids, Daitō was able to recover from the trauma of the Great War and managed to become the world’s third largest economy by the 1960s. However, after three decades, Daitō had experienced the so-called “recession in growth” as the value of the Daitōjin mon was raised. In an attempt to prevent further slowing of growth, Daitō greatly improved its technological advances and raised the value of the mon, as devaluing the mon would’ve brought further risk and a possible depressing effect on trade. The appreciation of the mon led to a significant economic recession in the 1980s. In order to alleviate the influence of the recession, Daitō imposed a series of economic and financial policies to stimulate domestic demand. Nonetheless, the bubble economy which occurred in the late 1980s and early 90s and the subsequent deflationary period dealt significant damage to the Daitōjin economy, leading to a decade-long period of relatively low economic growth.
IIIc. Recovery Stage (1946 - 1954)
   The Daitōjin economy was left in ruins following the end of the Great War. As an example, as is noted by historian Shintarō Asō, “the Daitōjin cotton industry was brought to its knees by the end of the Great War. Two-thirds of its prewar cotton spindles were scrapped by wartime administrators, and bombing and destruction of urban areas had caused a further loss of 23 percent of spinning and 16% of weaving capacity.” Moreover, by 1946, Daitō was left on the verge of a nationwide famine that was only averted by Achkaerinese shipments of food. The virtual destruction of the Daitōjin standard of living, coupled with a desire to have a strong ally in the region, compelled Achkaerin to support a wide-reaching economic recovery. Every country experienced some industrial growth in the post-war period, but those countries that achieved a heavy drop in industrial output due to war damage were among those that also achieved the most rapid recovery. In the case of Daitō, industrial production decreased in 1946 to 27.6% of the pre-war level, but recovered in 1951 and reached 366% in 1960. By the end of its mandate, the Achkaerinese-backed reconstruction authority had successfully reintegrated Daitō into the global economy and rebuilt the economic infrastructure that would later form the launching pad for the Daitōjin economic miracle.

   One reason for Daitō’s quick recovery from war trauma was the successful economic reform by the government. The Ministry of Commerce and Industry, which was principally concerned with industrial policy in Daitō, introduced a number of reforms, such as an effort to adopt the “Inclined Production Mode”. The “Inclined Production Mode” refers to the inclined production that primarily focuses on the production of raw materials such as steel, coal, and cotton. Textile production occupied more than 23% of the total pre-war industrial production. Furthermore, to stimulate growth, the Daitōjin government encouraged women to enter the labor market. The legislation on recruitment contained three components: the restriction placed on regional recruitment and relocation of workers, the banning of direct recruitment of newly-graduated students, and the direct recruitment of non-students under explicitly detailed regulations issued by the Ministry of Labor.

   A less talked about reason for Daitō’s recovery was the outbreak of numerous smaller conflicts in Kalasin and across Ardia following the end of the war. With Imperial rule broken across vast swathes of land, previously-peaceful regions transformed into warring states and factions, threatening stability in the region. In order to facilitate the gradual reduction in conflict in East Ardia, at the recommendation of the Reconstruction Authority, the Daitōjin economy once again began to produce equipment and supplies, which led in turn to a revival of the Imperial Military going into the 1950s and 60s. Otherwise, the demand for munitions and vehicles stimulated the Daitōjin economy, enabling it to recover quickly from the destruction of the “Greater East Ardian War”, as Daitōjin school books call the conflict, and provide the basis for the rapid expansion that was to follow.
IIId. High Increase Stage (1954 - 1973)
   After gaining support from Achkaerin and achieving domestic economic reform, Daitō’s economy was able to soar from the 1950s to the 1970s. Furthermore, Daitō also completed its process toward industrialization and became among the first developed nations in East Ardia, by the standards of the modern day, anyways. The Daitōjin Economic Yearbooks from 1967 to 1972  witnessed a significant increase. In 1967, the yearbook said: the Daitōjin economy in 1966 thus made an advance more rapidly than previously expected. In 1968, the yearbook said that the Daitōjin economy continued to make a sound growth after it had a bottom in autumn of 1965. The words “increase”, “growth”, and “upswing” filled the summaries of the yearbooks from 1967 to 1972. The reasons for Daitō to complete industrialization are complicated, and the major characteristic of this time is the influence of governmental policies of the Yōichi Shiba administration, vast consumption, and vast export.

   In 1954, the economic system that the Ministry of Commerce and Industry (MCI) had cultivated from 1949 to 1953 came into full effect. Prime Minister Yōichi Shiba, who has been called by some scholars as “the single most important individual architect of the Daitōjin economic miracle,” pursued a policy of heavy industrialization. This policy led to the emergence of “over-loaning”, in which the Bank of Daitō issued loans to city banks who in turn issued loans to industrial conglomerates. Since there was a shortage of capital in Daitō at the time, industrial conglomerates borrowed beyond their capacity to repay, often beyond their net worth, causing city banks in turn to over-borrow from the Bank of Daitō. This gave the national Bank of Daitō complete control over dependent local banks. The system of over-loaning, combined with the government’s relaxation of anti-monopoly laws also led to the reemergence of conglomerate groups, the keiretsu, which mirrored the wartime conglomerates, or zaibatsu. Led by the economic benefits of Sanwa businessmen Isao Nakajima and Toru Yasunaga, the keiretsu efficiently allocated resources and became competitive internationally.

   At the heart of the keiretsu conglomerates’ success lay city banks, which lent generously, formalizing cross-share holdings in diverse industries. The keiretsu spurred both horizontal and vertical integration, locking out foreign companies from Daitōjin industries. Keiretsu had close relations with MCI and each other through the cross-placement of shares, providing protection from foreign take-overs. For example, 81% of Daitō’s Development Bank’s finances went towards strategic industries: shipbuilding, electric power, coal and steel production. Keiretsu proved crucial to protectionist measures that shielded Daitō’s sapling economy. Keiretsu also fostered an attitude shift among Daitōjin managers that tolerated low profits in the short-run because Keiretsu were less concerned with increasing stock dividends and profits and more concerned about interest payments. Approximately only two-thirds of the shares of a given company were traded, cushioning keiretsu against market fluctuations and allowing keiretsu managers to plan for the long-term and maximize market shares instead of focusing on short-term products. The Shiba administration also instituted the Foreign Exchange Allocation Policy, a system of import controls designed to prevent the flooding of Daitō’s markets by foreign goods. MCI used the foreign exchange allocation to stimulate the economy by promoting exports, managing investment and monitoring production capacity. By 1953, MCI revised the Foreign Exchange Allocation Policy to promote domestic industries and increase the incentive for exports by revising the export system. A later revision based production capacity on foreign exchange allocation to prevent foreign dumping.
IIIe. Consumption and Export
   During the time of reconstruction and before the Great Oil Crisis, Daitō managed to complete its industrialization process, gaining significant improvement in living standards and seeing a noticeable increase in consumption. The average monthly consumption of urban family households doubled from 1955 to 1970. Moreover, the proportions of consumption in Daitō were also changing. The consumption of daily necessities, such as food, clothing, and footwear, was decreasing. Contrastingly, the consumption in recreational, entertainment activities and goods increased, including furniture, transportation, communications, and reading. The great increase in consumption stimulated growth in GDP as it incentivized production.

   The period of rapid economic growth between 1955 and 1961 paved the way for a period known as the Golden Sixties, the second decade that is generally associated with the Daitōjin economic miracle. In 1965, Daitō’s nominal GDP was estimated at just over $158 billion. Fifteen years later, in 1980, the nominal GDP had soared to a record $1.921 trillion. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Shiba, formerly minister of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, the Daitōjin government undertook an ambitious “Income Doubling Plan”. The plan called for the doubling of the size of Daitō’s economy in ten years through a combination of tax breaks, targeted investment, an expanded social safety net, and incentives to increase exports and industrial development. To achieve this goal, the plan called for an average economic growth rate of 7.2%. In fact, Daitō’s annual growth averaged more than 10% over the course of the plan, and the economy doubled in size in less than seven years.

   Shiba introduced the Income Doubling Plan in response to the Heishi Protests in 1960 as part of an effort to shift Daitō’s national dialogue away from contentious political struggles toward building a consensus around the pursuit of rapid economic growth. However, Shiba and his brain trust, most notably including the economist Nobusuke Fukumura, had been developing the plan since 1959. Under the IDP, Shiba lowered interest rates and rapidly expanded government investment in Daitō’s infrastructure, building highways, high-speed railways, subways, airports, port facilities, and dams. Shiba’s government also expanded government investment in the previously-neglected communications sector of the Daitōjin economy. Each of these acts continued the Daitōjin trend towards a managed economy that epitomized the mixed economic model. The Income Doubling Plan was widely viewed as a success in achieving both its political and economic objectives. According to historian Akihisa Ubukata, the plan “enshrined ‘economic growthism’ as a sort of secular religion of both the Daitōjin people and their government, bringing about a circumstance in which both the effectiveness of government and the worth of the populace came to be measured above all by the annual percentage change in GDP.”

   Besides Shiba’s adherence to government intervention and regulation of the economy, his government pushed trade liberalization. By late 1960, trade imports had been 41 percent liberalized (as compared to 22 percent in 1956). Shiba planned to liberalize trade to 80 percent within three years. However, his liberalization goals were met with severe opposition from both industries who had thrived on over-loaning and the nationalistic public who feared foreign enterprise takeovers. The Daitōjin public likened liberalization to a “second round of unequal treaties” in reference to the treaties forced on the Empire in the mid-19th century. Accordingly, Shiba moved toward liberalization of trade only after securing a protected market through internal regulations that favored Daitōjin products and firms, and as a result, he never achieved his ambitious 80 percent goal. Shiba also set up numerous allied foreign aid distribution agencies to demonstrate Daitō’s willingness to participate in the international order and to promote exports. The creation of these agencies not only acted as a small concession to international organizations, but also dissipated some public fears about liberalization of trade. Shiba furthered Daitō’s global economic integration by negotiating for Daitō’s entry into a number of organizations in 1963 and 1964. By the time he left office, the GNP was growing at a rate of 13.9 percent. Daitō's economic growth would largely continue unabated until 1982, where, following the death of Emperor Kunan, the economy took a hit and shrunk by close to 6.93%.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:19:35 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #19 on: June 18, 2023, 01:50:11 AM »
Chapter Nineteen — The Late Kunan Era, Part Two: Politics and Society in the Kunan Era (1945 - 1982 CE)
I. — Politics during the Late Kunan Era

Ia. The Toshinari Premiership (1945 - 1956)

Clockwise from Left: Kazumasa Toshinari Addresses the Diet in late 1945, Signing of the Treaty of Okayama, 18 April 1951, 1953 YFD Party Summit, Assassination of Haruaki Toshiyasu, c.1957

   In the aftermath of the Great War, the Yamato Fukkatsu Domei, the "Party of the Emperor", had been dealt a grievous wound. Though yes, Daitō was victorious during the conflict, the destruction which was brought to the country was, whether justifiably or not, blamed upon the party. Prime Minister Toshinari, a reformist within the party, found himself faced with a challenge: He could stay the course set by his predecessor, refuse any compromise and fail to enact reforms within the Yokusan system, and risk revolution, or he could make good on the promises that the YFD had made to deceive the people and restore democracy now that the war was over. Naturally, he chose the latter, however, it came with a caveat: opposition parties would remain prohibited for a time, however, independent legislators, many of whom were recently released political prisoners, could be elected. Thus, going into 1946, Toshinari was reelected to his seat in the Diet and, owing to the YFD remaining in power, albeit through underhanded means and an unfair system which favored the party, he was reelected as Prime Minister.

   But as time progressed, Kazumasa knew that he would not be able to remain in power forever. Thus, in early 1947, he appointed Daizō Yanagihara, at the time serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs in the cabinet, as Deputy Prime Minister, aiming to make him his successor, provided that he was reelected. In effect, Yanagihara was his preferred choice to lead the country into the future, although that would still be nearly a decade away. Throughout his premiership, Toshinari would continue to make reforms, working to break the power of the Zaibatsus and to ensure continued economic growth which would be enjoyed by future generations. In many ways, though he cannot be said to have been a willing participant in the democratization of the country at first, Kazumasa Toshinari and his faction within the YFD can be credited with much of the Daitō the world knows today. In 1952, Toshinari was reelected, this time in the first truly free election of the post-war period. Of course, opposition parties were still weak at the time, which resulted in the YFD securing a strong majority in the Imperial Diet, a position which it would continue to hold until the mid-60s.
Ib. The Yanagihara and Rokuda Premierships and the Heishi Protests (1956 - 1960)

Scene of the Heishi Protests, 18 April, 1960
   In September of 1956, Kazumasa Toshinari announced his intention to resign as Prime Minister, citing his declining health as a factor in this decision. It was decided by the YFD that Daizō Yanagihara would serve as interim Prime Minister until elections were to be held in October, and he would be confirmed in that position following the elections. His time in office, albeit brief due to him dying of lung cancer in 1958, would be looked back upon fondly, while his successor would not have that luxury. Following the death of Prime Minister Yanagihara, Umanosuke Rokuda would be appointed Prime Minister. His time in office was marred by corruption on his part and that of his cabinet and allies, as well as by the deployment of military advisors to the recently-established Republic of Kalasin, alternatively referred to as West Kalasin. Of course, the most significant event of his premiership was certainly the Heishi protests.

   The Heishi Protests were a series of protests that occurred in 1960 against both the corruption of Prime Minister Rokuda's administration, a recent downturn in the economy, and a stalling of liberalizing reforms during his time in office. Many rightly felt that he was betraying the wishes of his predecessors to reform the country, which is no surprise as he had initially opposed the reforms after the war and had even been one of the individuals purged in 1946. Lasting from February 17th to May 11th, many of those participating in the protests belonged to the Daitōjin Socialist Party (DSP) or other generally left-wing parties in the country, however, they were joined at times by members of the liberal wing of the YFD. Initially, Prime Minister Rokuda refused to budge, however, as discontent swelled even within his party, many suspected that even the Emperor himself would step in and demand his resignation. Wishing to avoid such an outcome, the Prime Minister resigned on the 11th of May, 1960, and in his place a moderate, Yōichi Shiba, was appointed Prime Minister. As it would turn out, Shiba would not only bolster the economy, he would directly lead to the end of the Yokusan system and the beginning of modern Daitōjin democracy.
Ic. The Golden 60s and the End of the Yokusan System

Left: The Sūmitsu-in Building on 18 January, 1962, Right: Prime Minister Giichi Inukai

   The 1960s were a period of significant economic growth in Daitō, during which time the economy nearly tripled, reaching nearly $400 billion by the end of 1970. This can be credited to the fiscal policies of Prime Ministers Yōichi Shiba and Giichi Inukai, but also to the continued expansion and diversification of the country's industrial and financial sectors. While yes, funds were diverted to the country's space program throughout the burgeoning Space Race, such funding had rewards of its own, as it helped to further cement Daitō's aerospace industry as leaders in their field, while the scientific discoveries of this era captured the imaginations of many around the world. The 1960s are often dubbed the "Golden 60s" in Daitō owing to this period of rapid economic growth which led into the heights seen in later decades.

   One of the seminal moments of the 20th century in Daitō came on the 18th of January, 1962—twenty-five years to the day from the 18th of January Incident which led to the rise of the YFD—when Prime Minister Shiba, in a meeting with the Privy Council, unveiled his plans to end the then-present Yokusan system and fully restore democracy within the country. This meant rolling back any restrictions on non-communist political parties within the country, as well as abolishing the Sonyu-era election nomination commission, which had effectively given the YFD a free hand in controlling opposition to their power. This had been the mechanism by which no non-YFD Prime Minister had served since the 1930s, and it was a mechanism which even Kazumasa Toshinari had maintained despite lifting some prohibitions on opposition parties. He did this knowing that it would sully his reputation within the party, as well as cost him any chance of a future in politics, however, he later justified his decision as being the best move for the people, and he would ultimately serve as an unofficial advisor this successor, Prime Minister Inukai, following him leaving office in 1964.

   The 1964 elections were some of the most monitored in the country's history, owing to recent changes in the electoral system. Thanks in part to this international attention, the elections remained free and open to all who were legally able to vote, and as a result, for the first time in nearly thirty years, the YFD would lose control of the Diet, as a coalition of Liberal and Social Democrats would gain a majority in both houses. The YFD would remain largely out of power until the 1980s, and that was only after the party moved to reinvent itself. In the meantime, this coalition, which merged to form the Democratic Party of Daitō (DPD), would select Giichi Inukai to serve as the new Prime Minister of Daitō from among their ranks. Inukai was generally a popular Prime Minister, as well as one of the longest serving in the country's history; his Premiership lasted from 1964 until 1974, making him the third longest serving Prime Minister to date, following only Prime Ministers Hidehara Ōhara (12 years) and Kazumasa Toshinari (11 years).

   Giichi Inukai would oversee the beginning of Daitō's large-scale involvement in the Kalasin War starting in 1967. The conflict would last until the mid-70s, when the country withdrew from the conflict as the situation grew more and more untenable. His decision to involve the nation in the war was, admittedly, a mark against his otherwise exceptional record, as he would reinstitute conscription to make up for manpower shortages during the conflict. The war led to further protests throughout the late 60s and early 70s, some of which will be discussed later. Nonetheless, the following decade would be one of relative stability within the country, as Prime Ministers Akihito Gōda (1974 - 1976), Dairoku Haruoka (1976 - 1980), and Ikko Sakakura (1980 - 1982) would largely stick to the course that Inukai had set out for them. However, the Democratic Party's leadership would not last forever, as the YFD reconstituted itself and prepared to take back the Kantei.
II. — Society During the Kunan Era
Ia. A Return to Normalcy (1945 - 1964)

Clockwise from Left: Roadside Shop in Azumino, c.1946, Buddhist Monk at Heirin-ji Temple in Ōita Prefecture, c.1948, Imperial Daitōjin Army Personnel, c.1954, IDN Haku in Shinkyō Bay, c.1958

   Things did not improve much in the first post-war years. Nearly a hundred cities had been bombed: troops were returning to a decimat­ed economy and the infrastructure was in shambles. Said one Achkaerinese soldier upon entering Shinkyō in 1945, "Shinkyō... is a devastated, immodest mess, but the silence is what gets me most; no honks, yells, clangs... Every­body is still staring in that god-awful silence.” In October 1945, a schoolteacher in Okayama died of starvation; in November, a newspaper printed the letter of a father intending to commit suicide so there would be more food for his children. While profiteers got rich and many resorted to the black market, most lived a meager, day-to-day struggle for survival, with people dying of starvation or exposure a full three years after the war. Fortunately, there also was a brighter side to life at this time, as with more and more democratic reforms coming into force after 1947 and a lessening of wartime censorship, writers experienced greater freedom. When "bad books” began to appear in the stores, recalled historian Ichirō Sakai, "I experienced tremendous joy"—not because he liked these "bad books" at the time, but because he craved freedom.

   Women won the right to vote in early 1946, and as a result, more than forty were elected to the national legislature, while many more would serve in both prefectural and regional legislatures. Labor unions grew during this period, aided by government policies which protected the rights of workers to join such unions. Cafe culture—albeit of a cheaper and more sensuous kind than in the 1920s—returned to the cities. This was not to say, however, that everyone was happy in this period. City life was disrupted by more than 600 strikes a year in the late 1940s, and Prime Minister Toshinari was met by a "sea of red flags" as one socialist wrote in 1946. Poverty remained the norm until the 1950s and disillusionment soared as people learned more and more about the true cost of the war. But the trend was nonetheless towards recovery, and on his birthday in 1952, Emperor Kunan wrote, quote, "The winter wind has gone, and long-awaited has spring arrived with double-petalled cherry blossoms."

   And as the Achkaerinese left that spring, even material life began at last to recover, partly due to conflicts in the former Ardian Empire and within Kalasin, which created demand for Daitōjin goods and services, as well as due to the effects of the reforms instituted under the Board of Reconstruction. By 1957, the economy had reached prewar levels, and by the 1960s, growth rates or nearly ten percent a year had turned Daitō, once again, into one of the world’s largest economies. At the heart of the recovery lay consumerism: Daitōjin families purchased almost ninety percent of what the country’s factories and shops produced, set the prices of goods, and created new institutions. They were, in effect, the heart and soul of postwar Daitō. In particular, consumers in Daitō during the 1950s bought millions of washing machines, refrigerators, and television sets, which came to be known Daitō's "three electronic treasures" in journalistic parlance. They frequented bars and cabarets again, creating fads for everything from hula hoops to brown dolls which were worn on one's arm. Over the years, they created a new "middle-brow culture", subscribing in unprecedented numbers to weekly magazines that provided articles about the emperor’s diet and the crown prince’s romance with a commoner. The renewal of pleasure-seeking provided the storyline to the novel, Season of Violence, in which the protagonist declared, "What others think never bothers me! Doing only what I want—that’s all I can do!”
Ib. An Age of Affluence (1964 - 1982)

   If the 1950s restored Daitō's wealth, then the following decades, socially-speaking, demonstrated the travails of success. Surpassing Prime Minister Shiba's promise of “income doubling” within a decade, Daitō had become the world’s second largest economy by the mid-1970s. Unfortunately, however, this newfound wealth brought ordinary people problems as well as triumphs. The late 1960s, in particular, seemed consumed by success’s shadows. Students had enough money now to go to college in unprecedented numbers, but they were not happy there. Disillusioned by archaic teach­ing methods, university corruption, and the war in Kalasin, they erupted in protests, shutting down scores of universities for months at a time. Consumers complained too, often in orga­nized fashion through thousands of citizen movements (shinmin undo) that demanded lower prices and pollution-free environ­ments. One of their most pressing issues was urban crowding, as the influx of people into the cities caused outrageously high land prices, tiny living spaces—an average family of four in Shinkyō lived in just 37.4 square meters of space—and crushingly crowded rush hour trains. Another major issue was pollution. Factories may have produced the world’s best watches and automobiles, but they filled the skies and waters with toxic wastes. By the late 1960s, policemen were inhaling oxygen at some intersections; Otawara's Asahi River had lost its ability to sustain life and thousands of fishermen in Kasaoka were suffering from mercury poisoning. Many of the Kasaoka victims “found their hands trembling so violently they could no longer strike a match.” while others lost control of their bodily functions and nearly 40% died.

   This plethora of problems did not stop Daitō's economic progress, however, and nor did political challenges such as war in Kalasin and the Oil Crisis or the failure of successive cabinets later in the decade. As a result, the late 1970s and 1980s produced a golden age of capitalism, a time of increasing national pride. Best-selling books and articles, labeled Fusōron, argued that success sprang from Daitō's national character: the language, unique to East Ardia, the discipline required by rice agriculture, and a group-oriented management style. Great numbers of Daitōjin lived better than ever during the 1980s, building new homes and renting technology-laden apart­ments on the world’s most expensive land, playing golf on courses that cost $200 for eighteen holes, traveling abroad frequently, and paying 8,000 mon ($100) for a drink and a slice of cake in upscale coffee shops. Large numbers continued to struggle economically, primarily because society remained divided between those who worked for the rich corporations, with high wages and lifetime employment, and those employed as shopkeepers, construction workers, or employees of the smaller com­panies, where economic downturns resulted in pay cuts. layoffs, and firings. But the dominant feature of Daitō in the 1980s was wealth and freedom. Polls showed that a full ninety percent of people considered themselves middle class.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:22:44 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #20 on: June 26, 2023, 06:08:22 PM »
Chapter Twenty — The Late Kunan Era, Part Three: The Kalasinese War (1967 - 1977 CE)
I. — Background

Ia. The Empire of Kalasin (1944 - 1956)

Flag of the Empire of Kalasin (1944 - 1945)

   The Empire of Kalasin (จักรวรรดิ์กาฬสินธุ์) was a short-lived client state of Daitō and later an independent state which existed in Southern Aranye from the 17th August, 1944 until the 6th of May, 1956. It was one of two states that made up the modern-day mainland of Kalasin, the other being the Republic of Vax (สาธารณรัฐแว็กซ์) which now makes up the Provinces of Ka-hki, Trat, and Rayong, with both formally declaring their independence from the Ardian Empire, having previously, albeit under occupation by Daitōjin and allied forces since 1941, been a part of the Ardian Empire since the 1850s. However, the Empire was weak, plagued by both nationalist and communist rebels practically from the outset, as well as Ardian holdouts across the country, which significantly hampered its ability to exert control beyond Ranong and other major cities. After the end of the war, these bands of rebels began to coalesce into larger military forces, with the Kalasinese Civil War being sparked in early 1946 following a crackdown on dissent within the country.

   Initially a low-level conflict, eventually, communist rebels overran the Imperial capital in Ranong, putting collaborators with the regime, including the reigning Emperor, Taksin II, on trial. These trials, which were widely decried as being a sham, resulted in near universal convictions, with those arrested being found guilty of "treason and anti-revolutionary behavior". On the 9th of October, 1956, the Taksin II, alongside every member of the royal household that had not fled the country, were executed in the courtyard of the the Imperial Palace in Ranong. Their bodies were left hanging on the gates of the palace for nearly two weeks before being removed, with the act sending shockwaves across the globe. As a result, due to pressure from the great powers of the time, the nation was divided between the Nationalists and the Communists and between east and west. In the east, the People's Republic of Kalasin was established as a client state of the USR, which provided much in the way of economic and military aid to the country, while in the west, the Republic of Kalasin was proclaimed, quickly negotiating an alliance with Daitō in the following years. The question, at that point, turned from whether another war would break out to a matter of when it would occur.
Ib. The Long "Peace"
   In the aftermath of the civil war, the divided nation saw itself gain new leadership. In the east, Narong Kumluk was elected as Paramount Leader by the Politburo of the Communist Party of Kalasin, while in the west, a provisional government was established under Sarit Kittikachorn. Throughout the period, both governments instituted reforms and built up their forces, and it seemed for a while that the peace would hold. However, as early as 1957, the PRK would begin smuggling weapons to allies in the west in the hope of instigating an insurgency against nationalist rule. However, in 1959, insurgents belonging to the "People's Army", one of the many insurgent groups backed by the PRK, launched an assassination campaign in the west, targeting what they called "Anti-Revolutionary Traitors" within the West Kalasinese government. It is estimated that between 1959 and 1962, nearly 2,500 abductions were carried out by insurgents, while a further 2,100 assassinations of government officials, village chiefs, hospital workers and teachers occurred during this period. In January 1961, COWKS (Central Office for West Kalasin), East Kalasin's western headquarters, gave an order for a full-scale uprising in West Kalasin, and as a result, soon roughly 1/4th of of the population was soon living in areas of communist control. Shortly thereafter, the People's Army and other insurgent groups were reformed into the National Liberation Army (NLA).

   On the Nineteenth of May, 1961, Narong Kumluk announced a "War of Liberation" against the West Kalasinese government. Shortly afterwards, Prime Minister Shiba announced that Daitō would send roughly 6,000 military advisors to train West Kalasinese forces and to offer assistance in defending the country where necessary. What he did not say, however, was that Daitō would also be sending in Special Forces personnel to assist in the fighting and to cut supply lines. It is estimated that, between 1961 and 1963, roughly 9,500 Daitōjin personnel served in Kalasin, however, as the communists began to gain ground, it was decided to send a further twelve-thousand personnel to the country. This policy would generally remain the same until 1967, when, following a successful offensive by the Kalasinese People's Army (KPA), Prime Minister Inukai elected to escalate the conflict. For Daitō, the Kalasinese War had begun.
II. — The Ground War in Kalasin

Clockwise from Left: Daitōjin Soldier in Kalasin, c.194, G-4Cs fly past IDN Chitose, c.1968, Daitōjin Troops during the Phansa Offensive, c.1971, Bombing Raid on East Kalasin, c.1970

   On the 20th of February, 1967, 4,200 Daitōjin Marines landed at Ko Rang in West Kalasin. This marked the beginning of the ground war for Daitō, and at the time, public opinion back home was overwhelmingly in support of the deployment. Their initial assignment was the protection of Ko Rang Air Base. This initial deployment was expanded to 150,000 by December. The Imperial Daitōjin Military, long-schooled in offensive warfare, was, regardless of political policies, institutionally and psychologically unsuited to a defensive mission. Marshal Hiroji Oishi, a veteran of the Greater East Ardia War and the commander of IFK (Imperial Forces - Kalasin), informed Admiral Hirohisa Yashiki, the commander of Daitō's Kyne fleet, that the situation was critical. He was quoted as saying "I am convinced that the Daitōjin troops with their energy, mobility, and firepower can successfully take the fight to the NLA." With this recommendation, he was advocating for an aggressive departure from Daitō's defensive posture and the sidelining of the West Kalasinese. By ignoring ARK (Army of the Republic of Kalasin) forces, Daitōjin commitment in the country effectively became open-ended. Marshal Oishi expected, due to the general state of both the East and West Kalasinese forces, that the war could be won, barring interference by the USR, by the end of the year. These predictions turned out to be wrong, owing in part to the USR threatening to intervene if Daitōjin ground forces entered the east, effectively forcing the country into a defensive war. Instead, it was decided that the war would have to be won by attrition, a question of who would lose the will to keep fighting first. For the most part, the war was relatively calm, with Daitōjin forces staying in both West Kalasin and the Vax Republic while the ARK and Imperial Daitōjin Air Force conducted operations in and over East Kalasin. That was, in any case, until 1971.

   The Phansa Offensive, also known as the Vassa Offensive, was one of the largest offensive operations of the Kalasinese War. Beginning in May of 1971, the KPA lured Daitōjin forces into the hinterlands at Nayok, where Daitō fought a series of battles which turned out to be a diversionary tactic meant to draw Daitōjin forces away from the Vax Republic. Then, on the 12th of July, 1971, near to the beginning of the Kalasinese celebration of Phansa, KPA/NLA forces struck into the Vax state, using it to circumvent ARK and Daitōjin defenses near to the border, and close to 78 cities in both Kalasin and the Vax Republic were attacked by militants and KPA forces alike. Even the capital of West Kalasin, Songkhla, was attacked in what was deemed one of Daitō's most significant intelligence failures since the Great War. Fighting in many cities left them in a state which was reminiscent of the Great War, with some parts of Songkhla being completely leveled. However, by the end of the offensive in September, East Kalasin had failed to achieve its objective of sparking a general uprising in the west, although protests occurred in Daitō due to the significant casualties—it is estimated nearly 1,700 Daitōjin service personnel lost their lives during the fighting—as the war began to become more and more unpopular. As a result, in early 1972, peace talks began as the East began to realize it could not win outright, and thus would need to turn to both diplomacy and more underhanded tactics to win. In exchange, Daitō would stop its air campaign during the negotiations, however, these would break down as time went on.

   1973 saw a shift in Daitō's policy towards the war. Recognizing that their situation was untenable, Prime Minister Inukai would begin making plans for Daitō's withdrawal from the country, set for no later than 1976. This would require extensive training of the Army of the West Kalasinese Army so that it could hold its own, as well as efforts to end the USR's support for East Kalasin. The latter effort failed, however, the West Kalasinese Army was transformed into a capable fighting force. However, the East Kalasinese army was also undergoing reforms, and by 1973 had become a highly mobile and capable mechanized combined arms force. It is estimated that by 1973, more than 70% of all communist forces in West Kalasin were from the east as the NLA became folded into the KPA. That year also saw Daitōjin forces withdrawn from border areas, instead being relegated to training roles and static security throughout the country as the Empire's drawdown of forces slowly began. 1974 saw resumed negotiations between Daitō, West Kalasin, and East Kalasin, with the result being a ceasefire which was to go into effect on the 1st of January, 1975. Under the terms, Daitō would withdraw all combat personnel, save for security forces at its embassy in Songkhla, before the ceasefire went into effect, while East Kalasinese forces would withdraw to the border. For Daitō, the war seemed to finally be over.
III. — Withdrawal of Daitōjin Forces and the Fall of Songkhla

Clockwise from Left: J-7s perform Combat Air Patrol near Songkhla, c.1975, A Refinery in West Kalasin Burns After Being Attacked, Refugees in Tsukishima, Children Play in a Refugee Camp in Paechon

   As the new year came, Daitōjin forces began to withdraw from Kalasin. At the time, it seemed that the ceasefire would hold, and that the East Kalasinese forces would remain true to their word, or that at least the West Kalasinese would be capable of holding their own if an offensive began again. Under the terms of the Astros Peace Accords, there had been a provision allowing for Daitō to intervene once again within twenty-two months of the treaty going into effect, as it become clearer and clearer that rather than trying to preserve the Republic of Kalasin, the Gōda Administration would attempt to save face going into the next elections. Of course, that is merely a theory, albeit one with enough evidence to be deemed credible, as many historians note such an interval was set in place in the event that complications arose with the withdrawal. In November of 1976, the withdrawal was declared complete, and from point forwards, Daitō could not, under the terms of the treaty, return to Kalasin. Thus, on the 20th of November, with a guarantee that Daitō would not intervene, the KPA launched a new offensive into the west. Over the next six months, province after province fell until, by the middle of 1977, the road to Songkhla was open.

   In response to the advance on Songkhla, Daitōjin forces in Paechon were placed on high alert and an operation to evacuate the country's embassy and as many civilians as possible was planned. Dubbed "Operation Cyclone", the operation lasted from the 19th of July until the 13th of August and the complete withdrawal of all diplomatic staff from the country, as well as various support personnel hired from the local populace. However, despite the efforts undertaken by the Imperial Daitōjin Armed Forces, it was too little too late, and finally, as the battle for the city raged, on the 13th of August, Daitō completed its withdrawal from the country. In the weeks that followed, the city would fall, and a reign of terror would fall upon Southern Aranye, one which would not be broken for nearly forty years.
« Last Edit: March 02, 2024, 10:26:01 AM by Daitō »

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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #21 on: June 29, 2023, 12:10:49 AM »
Chapter Twenty-One — The Eikō Era (1982 - 2001 CE)
I. — End of the Kunan Era and Beginning of the Eikō Era


Scenes of the Funerary Procession of Emperor Kunan

   "It was a scene reminiscent of his predecessor's funeral. A scene most striking, as before went the last remnants of the old Daitō, and after came the new Daitō."
      —The Fusan Times on the Funeral of Emperor Kunan, 6 April, 1982

   The death of Emperor Kunan was an event which helped to shape the 1980s for Daitō. At the age of eighty-one, he, the longest-lived Emperor in the nation's history, had overseen Daitō's involvement in the Greater East Ardian War and the Kalasinese War. He had born witness to the rise and fall of the YFD and the Yokusan system, watched the rise of Daitō's economy from the ashes, and even lived long enough for the country's flag to be raised upon the surface of the moon. And yet, just fifty years on from his grandfather's passing, a lifetime of challenges, of change, and of triumphs came to a close. At two o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st of March, a mere eighteen minutes after his father died, two of the three sanshu no jingi were handed to the Crown Prince in the presence of those members of the Imperial Family who were in Shinkyō. He received Kusanagi, the sword, and Yasakani no Magatama, the jewel, as well as the seal of state, formally granting upon him the status which, the moment his father died, was conferred upon him by divine right. From that moment onwards, the Kunan era was over and the Eikō era had begun.

   A few days after his death, the Emperor's body was transferred from his deathbed to the hinkyū (殯宮, temporary imperial mortuary) which had been put together in the central pavilion of the Imperial Palace. The Emperor’s deceased body had been enclosed in a space boxed in on three sides with white cloths, while a fourth had a shutter. In this enclosure, alongside the body, the Emperor's sword was placed, while his coffin was decorated with the sakaki (榊), a sacred tree in the Teidō religion. For a time, the late Emperor lay in state, a rare opportunity for members of the public to enter the grounds of the Imperial Palace to pay homage to their departed sovereign. This would last for ten days, and on every second day, offerings of food and textiles were placed before the coffin, and eulogies to honor the Emperor were given. Although it was merely a formality, as his era name had already been selected upon the death of his grandfather, on the 21st of March, the Emperor, whom in his life as Crown Prince had the name Naganori, and as Emperor was merely referred to as "His Majesty the Emperor" (天皇陛下, Tennō Heika), was formally given his posthumous name. It was decided that the Emperor should be known forever more as Emperor Kunan (苦難天皇, Kunan-tennō). In the same ceremony, the new Emperor decided upon his own nengō (era) name. He took up the name Eikō (永享), alternatively styled Eikyō, which loosely translates as "received eternity".

   On the 24th of March, the day after the late Emperor had been interred, the diplomatic corps of foreign nations were invited to pay a visit to the Emperor’s place of temporary internment and pay their respects. Ten days later, a memorial tablet carrying the name of Emperor Kunan was placed in his private chambers, while the funeral was conducted. At 7:00 PM, the body was carried via hearse from the Imperial Palace and on towards Tenkyō. From there, after briefly laying in state for a few days at the palace in the city, it was placed upon a golden chariot and carried on to his final resting place alongside his ancestors. He was accompanied by a funeral parade of 300 people carrying torches, gongs, drums and other material. This procession was also joined by military bands, and a youth group from Kamo, once a village northwest of Tenkyō, now part of a district in the city. At 11:15 AM on the 6th of April, the Emperor’s last rites, salutes and offerings began. This ceremony was attended by numerous prominent figures at the time, including veterans of both the Continental and Greater East Ardian Wars.


Scenes of the Enthronement of Emperor Eikō

   "It is my sincerest hope, as Fusan enters this new era, that the world shall know peace unending, that the struggles and enmities of old shall pass, and that the world shall join together in the name of fraternity and humanity."
      — Emperor Eikō during his enthronement ceremony, 19 November, 1982

   A few days short of eight months since his father had passed, the new Emperor, Emperor Eikō, was formally enthroned. It was the first of such ceremonies to be widely televised, let alone broadcast in general, although this practice would carry on into the future as both his son and grandson's enthronements were likewise broadcast. Many foreign dignitaries, monarchs, and other heads of state attended the ceremony, which was held in the old capital of Tenkyō. It was a scene that seemed lifted straight from old stories, a rare glimpse into the Imperial Court, steeped in traditions dating back thousands of years. And by the time it was done, a new era had dawned: the Eikō era.
II. — Society During the Eikō Era

Clockwise from Left: Station Kiosk in Izumozaki, 17 October, 1982, Farmer in Eastern Daitō, c.1986, Overview of Mihara, c.1993, Streets of Okayama, 25 May, 1997

   In the 1980s, a great number of Daitōjin citizens lived with a higher standard of living than ever before, building new homes and renting technology-laden apart­ments on land which was gaining ever more value as the years continued on. It saw a great expansion of wealth and luxury, as many would play golf on courses which cost nearly $200 for eighteen holes, while many Daitōjin travelled abroad frequently and paid 8,000 mon ($100) for a drink and a slice of cake in upscale coffee shops. Large numbers continued to struggle economically however, primarily because society remained divided between those who worked for the rich corporations, with high wages and lifetime employment, and those employed as shopkeepers, construction workers, or employees of the smaller com­panies, where economic downturns resulted in pay cuts, layoffs, and firings. But the dominant feature of Daitō, especially going into the late 80s, was wealth and freedom. Polls showed that, in 1988, nearly 90% of people in the country considered themselves middle class.

   Perhaps paradoxically, then, one result of this afflu­ence was that Daitō—already a military power—became not only more powerful but more controversial in the inter­national sphere—and the controversy affect­ed the daily lives of nearly everyone. The magazines and sports papers that com­muters devoured on the morning trains were, in the 1980s, filled with angry articles about Daitō-bashing abroad, as well as the harsh criticism in some East Ardian countries that Daitō faced when its Education ministry revised history textbooks to minimize crimes committed during the Great War. While many were impressed that so many world leaders had attended Emperor Kunan's funeral in 1982, even greater numbers complained about the restraints TV networks placed on entertainment shows when he died. Others grumbled at the increasing number of Ardian and Southern Aranyean workers who were attracted to Daitō, often illegally, to take jobs in the late 1980s. Daitō, it was clear, had done more than than become an economic giant by 1989; it had become a thoroughly modern, middle-class society where the haves and have-nots mingled in a stew that was as dynamic as it sometimes was troubled.

   By contrast to the 1980s, Daitō's public story in the 1990s was one of economic slowdown. It cannot be said that there was some sort of collapse, as the country's gdp, for example, continued to grow at a healthy rate throughout the decade. Simply put, the incredible growth of the Daitōjin Economic Miracle could not last forever, and so, as the 1980s gave way to the 1990s, the optimism which had seemed to grip the country for so long began to slip away. This newfound sense of realism and even pessimism which many felt was further compounded by the government's inept response to the 1993 Komatsu earthquake, which killed over 6,000 people, and a sarin attack on the Shinkyō Metro by members of the Reiyū Gakkai (霊友学会, "Spiritual Friendship Society") cult in 1995. These events came together and seemed to symbolize a darker time. The deeper social story, however, was more complex. It revealed a nation that, while chastened, still was dynamic and surprisingly self-confident, a nation whose class differences produced energy as often as they created problems.

   The country’s continuing social energy revealed itself in numerous ways. Greater Shinkyō—the world's largest metropolitan area—had reached a population of more than thirty million, and increasing numbers of city dwellers were pursuing individualistic lifestyles by the end of the century. Some commentators talked about the shijinrui ("new human breed"), others about “micro-masses” who read specialized magazines and joined groups devoted to motorboat racing, computer games, or even the ancient tradition of Noh theatre. Ubiquitous com­puters, television, and cell phones (keitai) brought Daitōjin youth into instant contact with peers around the globe, and helped to spawn endless new behaviors. From a rising divorce rate and women who refused to marry to adult men who took off-beat or menial jobs and lived with their parents so as to have freer lifestyles, previously established social norms had begun to slip away.

   It could be argued that Daitō's popular culture had become thor­oughly international by the end of the 1990s, saturating the rest of the world even as it imbibed foreign influences at home. Cities teemed with theaters and shopping malls, while television produced endless stars, some of them as ephemeral as cherry blossoms. Archi­tects such as Hayao Asato and fashion designers like Sayori Yanagiwara occupied a world stage. Many authors won internationally-recognized awards, while athletes such as Giichi Hashimoto and Yanosuke Komi dominated Daitōjin sports pages while they achieved success in foreign competitions and leagues, while many foreigners starred in Daitō's own sports of sumo, soccer, and baseball. And then there was anime, arguably the century’s most influential Daitōjin exports. Producers and writers like Yasuaki Suwa and Yōji Suzuki enraptured a generation of Daitōjin youth, even as they achieved international fame.

   Traditional culture and practices had not disappeared when the twentieth century ended. Divorce rates still remained lower than elsewhere; gender discrimination persisted, with smaller percentages of Daitōjin women working outside the home; minority groups con­tinued to face prejudice-even as, on the other hand, Daitō remained one of the world’s safest societies and personal savings rates contin­ued at remarkably high levels. Modernity had done more than make Daitō an economic giant, it had given it a social character as rich and varied as that in any country on earth, a society where affluence enabled increasingly individualistic women and men to live the lives they desired. If they preferred traditional family patterns, they could have them. If they wanted to try new lifestyles, they had the means and the space to do that. By 2000, it could be argued, no society on Mundus balanced the traditional and the avant garde more easily, or more energetically.
III. — Politics During the Eikō Era

Clockwise from Left: Prime Ministers Takeo Suzuki (1984 - 1991), Toshiki Hatayama (1991 - 1996), Sōsuke Mori (1996 - 1999), and Shinzō Koizumi (1999 - 2003)

   Politics during the Eikō era were, by comparison to the early Kunan era, comparatively stable as the country began to fall into a de-facto two-party system. On one side, the Democratic Party of Daitō, later renamed Yamato Ishin no Kai but more commonly known as simply Ishin, and on the other side, a reconstituted Yamato Fukkatsu Dōmei, or YFD. Ishin, for its part, represented the political left, although it could only be considered center-left as a whole. The YFD had rebranded in the decade that it had been out of power, sticking closer to the recommendations of Toshikatsu Heike and gradually moving more towards the center-right, although there were elements within the party that would be considered perhaps far-right as well. Mostly the last remnants of those in the party that had been purged after the war and their proteges, but they were mostly a dying breed. Of course, there were other parties within the Diet and the country as a whole, but ultimately, these two major parties would dominate for the foreseeable future.

   1982 saw the end of the DPD's hold over the Imperial Diet come to an end as a wave of support for the YFD, led by Author-turned-Representative Noboru Satō, swept the country. Satō was particularly noted for his charisma, and in the eyes of many within the YFD, he is seen as being instrumental in the reforging of the party to be more suited to the country's needs. Of course, he played a role, but in truth, his successor, at the time Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Suzuki played a larger role. Suzuki, a twenty seven-year veteran of Daitō's political sphere, had been elected to the Imperial Diet for the first time in 1955, at the age of merely twenty-four. By the time he had been appointed as Deputy Prime Minister, he had already made great strides in helping to rebuild the party's position, and many had anticipated that he would actually become Prime Minister in 1982 instead of Satō. Nonetheless, in this new position, he would prove most effective, helping to make sure that most of his superior's legislation was passed. When Satō resigned in 1984, it seemed obvious, then, that he would become Prime Minister. Throughout his time in both positions, he would advocate for supporting both the Yoshimo Shogunate and later the Empire of Achkaerin during the Toshikawan Civil War, and under his command, Daitōjin aircraft would lend their aid where possible, while the Prime Minister made sure to also support humanitarian efforts in the country when possible.

   In 1991, Takeo Suzuki announced his intention to leave politics behind, instead wishing to devote himself to supporting humanitarian causes across the globe. His successor was selected on the 30th of September, 1991, with that individual being Baron Toshiki Hatayama. Hatayama, a member of the House of Peers, had almost as long a career in politics as Suzuki, as he had been appointed to his position in 1958. However, his premiership, which lasted until 1996, would be marred by the 1993 Komatsu earthquake and the Shinkyō Sarin Attack in 1995. Politically, however, his career came to a crashing halt when a wing of the YFD, comprising its more traditionally right-wing elements broke off, forming the Rikken Minshutō party which would eventually attract some infamy in the 2020s. As a result of this schism, in 1996, the Ishin party regained control of the House of Representatives, and they would elect from within their ranks Sōsuke Mori as Prime Minister. However, he faced a vote of no confidence in 1999 which led to his removal as Prime Minister, and as a result, the final Prime Minister of the Eikō era, Shinzō Koizumi, was elected.

   In 2000, the Emperor announced his intention to abdicate, wishing to retire to the Meiwa Grand Shrine. Under the constitution, no such provision was made, and so, in early 2001, the Diet passed legislation which would permit an Emperor to formally abdicate the throne as had been done on numerous occasions in the past. Finally, on the 7th of June, 2001, Emperor Eikō abdicated the throne, and in his place, a new Emperor, Emperor Antei, would serve as sovereign.
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Re: Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō
« Reply #22 on: July 01, 2023, 08:02:09 PM »
Chapter Twenty-Two — The Antei Era (2001 - 2020 CE)
I. — Overview of the Antei Era


Clockwise From Left: Beach Near Sakana, c.2001, Tenkyō, c.2005, Skyline of Shinkyō, c.2011, Gangō-ji Temple in Okayama, c.2014

   As the sun set on the evening of December 31st, 2000, many in Daitō prepared to ring in the new millennium. Even more, however, looked forwards to a date soon to come, when in 2001, the son of then-Emperor Eikō, Crown Prince Nobukatsu, would take the throne. This era name, or nengō, was officially announced as part of the new years festivities, with that name being Antei (安貞), which is often translated as "Peaceful Righteousness" in English. This era began with the formal independence of the Republic of Paechon on the 1st of January, 2002. Paechon had long been a "trust territory" of the Empire of Daitō, however, in 1997 it was announced that, after close to eighty years, the people there would be allowed to hold a referendum on their status within the country. The referendum, whose first round was held on the 19th of July, 1998, included three options: Independence, Conversion into an autonomous circuit of the Empire, or effectively no change in status. Of these options, 21% voted for there to be no change in the region's status within Daitō, while 39% voted to become a circuit and 40% for independence. A second round was held in early 1999, in which 53% of the population voted for independence. Following its independence, Paechon would go on to become a close strategic partner of the Empire of Daitō until 2019.

   Early in the Antei era, Daitō, like much of East Ardia, was a victim of the 2004 East Ardian Financial Crisis, although the name itself may be inaccurate as it led to a recession that lasted until early 2006. The crisis, which originated in Nueva Ardia, resulted in a period of instability across the region which contributed to the collapse of the Federal Republic of Rokkenjima, as well as protests and riots in other countries. For Daitō, the political impact was relatively mild; it led to Shinzō Koizumi's government collapsing on the 16th of April, as well as the coalition government which surrounded his Ishin party falling apart. In the aftermath, the YFD would once again lead Daitō under the auspicious gaze of its new leader, Morihiro Obuchi. Economically, however, Daitō was hit relatively hard by it, with it being estimated that the country's gross domestic product (GDP) fell by roughly 9.13% from approximately $9,333,195,032,361 at the end of 2002 to around $8,502,673,990,771 in 2006. Recovery was relatively slow, and for a time, the country's economy stagnated, with an average growth rate of just under 1.5% between 2006 and 2012. For its part, Daitō had made a full recovery by 2012.

   For a time, it seemed that East Ardia would move on from the tensions seen during the cold war and the economic damage of the 2004 crisis. However, as one might expect, before prosperity could truly return to East Ardia, some of the worst atrocities in human history would stain the region in blood. Late 2015 saw the invasion of Nueva Ardia by Toshikawa under the guise of anti-terrorist operation, however, it would result in perhaps the worst genocide in world history, with 30 million lives being lost in mere months. The scale of such crimes could not be hidden from the world, even in spite of efforts by those who perpetuated them. Though Daitō would not directly become involved—a move which many criticized at the time and ultimately resulted in the downfall of Yoshihiko Kishida's government—the conflict did result in a number of aerial engagements between it and Toshikawa which resulted in three aircraft being downed by pilots of the Imperial Daitōjin Air Force and Navy. 2017 saw the People's Republic of Kalasin attempt to invade the Republic of Paechon, aiming to secure control of the Matilda channels and thus a position with leverage over ocean-going trade. They had hoped, perhaps acting on bad intel, that the Empire of Daitō would not respond. However, they were sorely mistaken as on the 1st of March, 2017, in a rare broadcast from the Imperial Palace in Shinkyō, Emperor Antei issued a demand that all Kalasinese forces withdraw from the island of Paechon or Daitō would move to liberate the country by force. The Second Kalasinese War had begun.
II. — Operation Kikusui and the Second Kalasinese War

Clockwise from Left: J-19s takeoff from Tsukishima, 3 April, 2017, JV-20 flying over the Kyne, 11 April, 2017, IFMC personnel shortly before landing in Kalasin, 18 June, 2017, Daitōjin destroyers launching strikes against Kalasinese positions, 18 June, 2017

   "Our grandfathers and our fathers fought on this land, and now, so shall we."
      — Anonymous Daitōjin soldier, c. June 2017

   Operation Kikusui (菊水作戦, Kikusui sakusen) was the official name of the Daitōjin Armed Forces' operation to liberate the island of Paechon during the Second Kalasinese War. Lasting from the 1st of April until the 17th of May, 2017, the majority of the operation consisted of an air campaign against the Kalasinese Peoples Republic. Primary targets included the country's military communications infrastructure, radar sites, airfields, government buildings, electrical infrastructure, and other targets across the country. This was followed by landings near Haenam, Namhae, and Kosong on the island's southeast coast on the morning of the 9th of May, where Daitōjin forces were met with limited resistance from the Kalasinese defenders. Ground operations in Paechon continued for six days, coming to a close on the 15th of May when Daitōjin forces liberated Paechon's capital, Anju, which prompted mass surrenders of Kalasinese forces on the island, while others fled back to Kalasin. The first phase of the Second Kalasinese War was over, but now, Daitō faced a task which would be far, far more complicated. On the 16th of May, the commander of Daitō's forces in Paechon, General Okimoto Esashi, issued an ultimatum to the Premier of Kalasin, Naphat Jitnukul, demanding that the country surrender.

   Ever since the fall of the Republic of Kalasin in 1977, Daitō's intelligence services had been funding rebel groups in Kalasin and following the fall of the Vax Republic in 1978, these activities steadily ramped up. There were many within Kalasin who were discontented with the government there, owing to numerous abuses of human rights and a generally poor standard of living in the country. Such sentiments were easily exploited, and starting in 1979, organizations such as the DTS (General Intelligence Agency of the Imperial Military Headquarters) and CIRO (Central Intelligence and Research Agency) began directly arming rebel groups within the country with the goal of eventually staging a revolution in Kalasin. However, for a variety of reasons, these plans did not come to fruition for nearly forty years. Nonetheless, when Kalasin invaded Paechon, the opportunity finally came, and so, in the middle of May, uprisings began across Kalasin. Even with these uprisings, Premier Jitnukul refused to surrender, believing their strength to be negligible, and so, on the 18th of June, the final phase of the war began.

   On the morning of the 18th of June, strikes began once again against targets in Kalasin, primarily with the goal of softening up Kalasinese defenses across the board. That same day, Daitōjin forces began landing at sites along the coast, and yet, instead of being met with opposition from the locals as many had expected, Daitōjin forces arriving in Kalasin were instead welcomed as liberators. Of course, it would be a long road to the country's capital, Pattani, which sat nearly 500 kilometers away from the nearest landing site in the country and deep inland, but it was nonetheless a job that to be done. With the aid of local militias, armed by the DTS and CIRO, they began their advance northeast, where for a while, they encountered limited opposition. There would be some opposition from Kalasinese forces in cities such as Surin, Phimai, and Nan, however, by the beginning of August, Daitōjin forces entered Pattani. The war was won, and a new government, the Republic of Kalasin, was established on the 5th of August, while the Second Vax Republic was established on the 6th. In the months that followed, Daitōjin forces transitioned to a peacekeeping role while a new army was formed. While a limited contingent remains as military advisors, Daitō withdrew most forces from the country in 2019 following the signing of the Saelim-Mangjul Accords which established the Union of Kalasin. As a result of the war, it is estimated that 503 Daitōjin and Paechonese troops died, while Kalasin lost nearly 33,000 personnel, the vast majority of whom were killed during air raids.
III. — Closing Days of the Antei Era
IIIa. The Imperial Transition

Scenes of the Enthronement of Emperor Banwa

   On the 12th of March, 2018, Emperor Antei informed the Privy Council of intention to abdicate the throne in favor of his son, Crown Prince Eijirō. This came following his diagnosis with Guillain–Barré syndrome earlier this year, which he contracted as a result of a particularly serious respiratory infection in late 2017. This plan to abdicate was not officially announced until the 13th of December, which coincided with the cabinet approving the 30th of April, 2020 as the date of his abdication and his son's accession to the throne on the 1st of May. The day after, the Privy Council established the "Imperial Transition Committee" to oversee the ceremonies involved in the abdication of Emperor Antei and the enthronement of Crown Prince Eijirō. This committee was headed by the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, Baron Kanetake Hayashi, although as the ailing Emperor began to favor a genrō—a senior statesman—by the name of Sachio Heike, he would play an increasing role in the preparations for the transition. The committee met for the first time on the 6th of January, 2019.

   2019 would largely be spent preparing for the ceremonies that would occur throughout 2020, including the issuing of documents pertaining to the procedures of the Enthronement of an Emperor to various government agencies and ministries. On the 16th of November, 2019, Emperor Antei celebrated his last birthday on the throne, and thus, the final stage of the transition began. In February of 2020, a survey was held for suggestions about Eijirō's era name. Of the names proposed, two came out as frontrunners: Tenshi and Banwa. Of these two, on the 1st of April, it was announced that Tenshi, or "Divine Envoy" in English, had been selected, albeit with controversy as Banwa, or "Eternal Harmony" as it is poetically translated in English, was evidently a popular name owing to the number of recommendations for it. It has been suggested that the Emperor himself was in favor of it as well, but that he had been overruled in a vote of the Privy Council. On the 17th of April, Emperor Antei collapsed shortly after the day's military parade as a result of his GBS. Nonetheless, he would largely recover before the end of the month. For his part, Eijirō formally resigned from his post in the Imperial Daitōjin Navy on the 21st.

   On the 30th of April, 2020, Emperor Antei announced his abdication from the throne received his last audience with representatives of the people in a brief ceremony which included two of the sacred treasures. His son, Eijirō, acceded to the throne the day after, receiving both the sword, Kusanagi, and the jewel, Yasakani no Magatama, alongside the Privy Seal and the State Seal. The Antei era had come to an end, and the brief Tenshi era had begun. A few months later, on the 6th of November, the new Emperor was formally enthroned in a ceremony in Tenkyō. The ceremony was attended by dignitaries and heads of state from across the globe, marking the end of the 2020 Daitōjin Imperial Transition. In the years that followed, a power struggle would emerge between the Emperor and Sachio Heike, who had become the President of the Privy Council. The latter would ultimately lose out after it was revealed that he had plotted a coup against the Emperor which culminated in an attempt on Eijirō's life which resulted in the deaths of both his father and the Prime Minister, as well as a brief period in which the Emperor was informally exiled to Tenkyō. On January 1st, 2023, the Tenshi era was formally declared over, with the Emperor taking on a new name, Emperor Banwa. From that point forwards, the future was within reach.
IIIb. Address of Emperor Tenshi on the Advent of His Enthronement

   "Having previously succeeded to the imperial throne in accordance with the Constitution of the Empire of Daitō and the Special Measures Provision of the Imperial House Law, I now perform the ceremony of enthronement at the Shishin-den Hall and proclaim my enthronement to those at home and abroad. I deeply reflect that, for nearly twenty years, His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor-Emeritus constantly prayed for the happiness of the people and for peace across the world, always sharing in the joys and sorrows of the people, and showing compassion throughout his rule. I pledge hereby to act in accordance with the powers vested in me by the constitution and the divine as leader of the Empire and as heir to the legacy of our Imperial Ancestors, always wishing for the happiness of the people and peace around the world, turning my thoughts to the people and standing with them. I sincerely hope, as we enter this new era, that our country, through our people's wisdom and unceasing efforts, achieves further development and contributes to the friendship and peace of the international community and the welfare and prosperity of mankind."
      — Eijirō, Emperor of Daitō, 6 November, 2020
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