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Children of the Sun — A History of the Empire of Daitō

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Daitō:
Chapter Twenty — The Late Kunan Era, Part Three: The Kalasinese War (1967 - 1977 CE)
I. — Background
Ia. The Empire of Kalasin (1944 - 1956)

Flag of the Empire of Kalasin (1944 - 1945)
   The Empire of Kalasin (จักรวรรดิ์กาฬสินธุ์) was a short-lived client state of Daitō and later an independent state which existed in Southern Aranye from the 17th August, 1944 until the 6th of May, 1956. It was one of two states that made up the modern-day mainland of Kalasin, the other being the Republic of Vax (สาธารณรัฐแว็กซ์) which now makes up the Provinces of Ka-hki, Trat, and Rayong, with both formally declaring their independence from the Ardian Empire, having previously, albeit under occupation by Daitōjin and allied forces since 1941, been a part of the Ardian Empire since the 1850s. However, the Empire was weak, plagued by both nationalist and communist rebels practically from the outset, as well as Ardian holdouts across the country, which significantly hampered its ability to exert control beyond Ranong and other major cities. After the end of the war, these bands of rebels began to coalesce into larger military forces, with the Kalasinese Civil War being sparked in early 1946 following a crackdown on dissent within the country.

   Initially a low-level conflict, eventually, communist rebels overran the Imperial capital in Ranong, putting collaborators with the regime, including the reigning Emperor, Taksin II, on trial. These trials, which were widely decried as being a sham, resulted in near universal convictions, with those arrested being found guilty of "treason and anti-revolutionary behavior". On the 9th of October, 1956, the Taksin II, alongside every member of the royal household that had not fled the country, were executed in the courtyard of the the Imperial Palace in Ranong. Their bodies were left hanging on the gates of the palace for nearly two weeks before being removed, with the act sending shockwaves across the globe. As a result, due to pressure from the great powers of the time, the nation was divided between the Nationalists and the Communists and between east and west. In the east, the People's Republic of Kalasin was established as a client state of the USR, which provided much in the way of economic and military aid to the country, while in the west, the Republic of Kalasin was proclaimed, quickly negotiating an alliance with Daitō in the following years. The question, at that point, turned from whether another war would break out to a matter of when it would occur.
Ib. The Long "Peace"
   In the aftermath of the civil war, the divided nation saw itself gain new leadership. In the east, Narong Kumluk was elected as Paramount Leader by the Politburo of the Communist Party of Kalasin, while in the west, a provisional government was established under Sarit Kittikachorn. Throughout the period, both governments instituted reforms and built up their forces, and it seemed for a while that the peace would hold. However, as early as 1957, the PRK would begin smuggling weapons to allies in the west in the hope of instigating an insurgency against nationalist rule. However, in 1959, insurgents belonging to the "People's Army", one of the many insurgent groups backed by the PRK, launched an assassination campaign in the west, targeting what they called "Anti-Revolutionary Traitors" within the West Kalasinese government. It is estimated that between 1959 and 1962, nearly 2,500 abductions were carried out by insurgents, while a further 2,100 assassinations of government officials, village chiefs, hospital workers and teachers occurred during this period. In January 1961, COWKS (Central Office for West Kalasin), East Kalasin's western headquarters, gave an order for a full-scale uprising in West Kalasin, and as a result, soon roughly 1/4th of of the population was soon living in areas of communist control. Shortly thereafter, the People's Army and other insurgent groups were reformed into the National Liberation Army (NLA).

   On the Nineteenth of May, 1961, Narong Kumluk announced a "War of Liberation" against the West Kalasinese government. Shortly afterwards, Prime Minister Shiba announced that Daitō would send roughly 6,000 military advisors to train West Kalasinese forces and to offer assistance in defending the country where necessary. What he did not say, however, was that Daitō would also be sending in Special Forces personnel to assist in the fighting and to cut supply lines. It is estimated that, between 1961 and 1963, roughly 9,500 Daitōjin personnel served in Kalasin, however, as the communists began to gain ground, it was decided to send a further twelve-thousand personnel to the country. This policy would generally remain the same until 1967, when, following a successful offensive by the Kalasinese People's Army (KPA), Prime Minister Inukai elected to escalate the conflict. For Daitō, the Kalasinese War had begun.
II. — The Ground War in Kalasin

Clockwise from Left: Daitōjin Soldier in Kalasin, c.194, G-4Cs fly past IDN Chitose, c.1968, Daitōjin Troops during the Phansa Offensive, c.1971, Bombing Raid on East Kalasin, c.1970
   On the 20th of February, 1967, 4,200 Daitōjin Marines landed at Ko Rang in West Kalasin. This marked the beginning of the ground war for Daitō, and at the time, public opinion back home was overwhelmingly in support of the deployment. Their initial assignment was the protection of Ko Rang Air Base. This initial deployment was expanded to 150,000 by December. The Imperial Daitōjin Military, long-schooled in offensive warfare, was, regardless of political policies, institutionally and psychologically unsuited to a defensive mission. Marshal Hiroji Oishi, a veteran of the Greater East Ardia War and the commander of IFK (Imperial Forces - Kalasin), informed Admiral Hirohisa Yashiki, the commander of Daitō's Kyne fleet, that the situation was critical. He was quoted as saying "I am convinced that the Daitōjin troops with their energy, mobility, and firepower can successfully take the fight to the NLA." With this recommendation, he was advocating for an aggressive departure from Daitō's defensive posture and the sidelining of the West Kalasinese. By ignoring ARK (Army of the Republic of Kalasin) forces, Daitōjin commitment in the country effectively became open-ended. Marshal Oishi expected, due to the general state of both the East and West Kalasinese forces, that the war could be won, barring interference by the USR, by the end of the year. These predictions turned out to be wrong, owing in part to the USR threatening to intervene if Daitōjin ground forces entered the east, effectively forcing the country into a defensive war. Instead, it was decided that the war would have to be won by attrition, a question of who would lose the will to keep fighting first. For the most part, the war was relatively calm, with Daitōjin forces staying in both West Kalasin and the Vax Republic while the ARK and Imperial Daitōjin Air Force conducted operations in and over East Kalasin. That was, in any case, until 1971.

   The Phansa Offensive, also known as the Vassa Offensive, was one of the largest offensive operations of the Kalasinese War. Beginning in May of 1971, the KPA lured Daitōjin forces into the hinterlands at Nayok, where Daitō fought a series of battles which turned out to be a diversionary tactic meant to draw Daitōjin forces away from the Vax Republic. Then, on the 12th of July, 1971, near to the beginning of the Kalasinese celebration of Phansa, KPA/NLA forces struck into the Vax state, using it to circumvent ARK and Daitōjin defenses near to the border, and close to 78 cities in both Kalasin and the Vax Republic were attacked by militants and KPA forces alike. Even the capital of West Kalasin, Songkhla, was attacked in what was deemed one of Daitō's most significant intelligence failures since the Great War. Fighting in many cities left them in a state which was reminiscent of the Great War, with some parts of Songkhla being completely leveled. However, by the end of the offensive in September, East Kalasin had failed to achieve its objective of sparking a general uprising in the west, although protests occurred in Daitō due to the significant casualties—it is estimated nearly 1,700 Daitōjin service personnel lost their lives during the fighting—as the war began to become more and more unpopular. As a result, in early 1972, peace talks began as the East began to realize it could not win outright, and thus would need to turn to both diplomacy and more underhanded tactics to win. In exchange, Daitō would stop its air campaign during the negotiations, however, these would break down as time went on.

   1973 saw a shift in Daitō's policy towards the war. Recognizing that their situation was untenable, Prime Minister Inukai would begin making plans for Daitō's withdrawal from the country, set for no later than 1976. This would require extensive training of the Army of the West Kalasinese Army so that it could hold its own, as well as efforts to end the USR's support for East Kalasin. The latter effort failed, however, the West Kalasinese Army was transformed into a capable fighting force. However, the East Kalasinese army was also undergoing reforms, and by 1973 had become a highly mobile and capable mechanized combined arms force. It is estimated that by 1973, more than 70% of all communist forces in West Kalasin were from the east as the NLA became folded into the KPA. That year also saw Daitōjin forces withdrawn from border areas, instead being relegated to training roles and static security throughout the country as the Empire's drawdown of forces slowly began. 1974 saw resumed negotiations between Daitō, West Kalasin, and East Kalasin, with the result being a ceasefire which was to go into effect on the 1st of January, 1975. Under the terms, Daitō would withdraw all combat personnel, save for security forces at its embassy in Songkhla, before the ceasefire went into effect, while East Kalasinese forces would withdraw to the border. For Daitō, the war seemed to finally be over.
III. — Withdrawal of Daitōjin Forces and the Fall of Songkhla

Clockwise from Left: J-7s perform Combat Air Patrol near Songkhla, c.1975, A Refinery in West Kalasin Burns After Being Attacked, Refugees in Tsukishima, Children Play in a Refugee Camp in Paechon
   As the new year came, Daitōjin forces began to withdraw from Kalasin. At the time, it seemed that the ceasefire would hold, and that the East Kalasinese forces would remain true to their word, or that at least the West Kalasinese would be capable of holding their own if an offensive began again. Under the terms of the Astros Peace Accords, there had been a provision allowing for Daitō to intervene once again within twenty-two months of the treaty going into effect, as it become clearer and clearer that rather than trying to preserve the Republic of Kalasin, the Gōda Administration would attempt to save face going into the next elections. Of course, that is merely a theory, albeit one with enough evidence to be deemed credible, as many historians note such an interval was set in place in the event that complications arose with the withdrawal. In November of 1976, the withdrawal was declared complete, and from point forwards, Daitō could not, under the terms of the treaty, return to Kalasin. Thus, on the 20th of November, with a guarantee that Daitō would not intervene, the KPA launched a new offensive into the west. Over the next six months, province after province fell until, by the middle of 1977, the road to Songkhla was open.

   In response to the advance on Songkhla, Daitōjin forces in Paechon were placed on high alert and an operation to evacuate the country's embassy and as many civilians as possible was planned. Dubbed "Operation Cyclone", the operation lasted from the 19th of July until the 13th of August and the complete withdrawal of all diplomatic staff from the country, as well as various support personnel hired from the local populace. However, despite the efforts undertaken by the Imperial Daitōjin Armed Forces, it was too little too late, and finally, as the battle for the city raged, on the 13th of August, Daitō completed its withdrawal from the country. In the weeks that followed, the city would fall, and a reign of terror would fall upon Southern Aranye, one which would not be broken for nearly forty years.

Daitō:
Chapter Twenty-One — The Eikō Era (1982 - 2001 CE)
I. — End of the Kunan Era and Beginning of the Eikō Era

Scenes of the Funerary Procession of Emperor Kunan
   "It was a scene reminiscent of his predecessor's funeral. A scene most striking, as before went the last remnants of the old Daitō, and after came the new Daitō."
      —The Fusan Times on the Funeral of Emperor Kunan, 6 April, 1982

   The death of Emperor Kunan was an event which helped to shape the 1980s for Daitō. At the age of eighty-one, he, the longest-lived Emperor in the nation's history, had overseen Daitō's involvement in the Greater East Ardian War and the Kalasinese War. He had born witness to the rise and fall of the YFD and the Yokusan system, watched the rise of Daitō's economy from the ashes, and even lived long enough for the country's flag to be raised upon the surface of the moon. And yet, just fifty years on from his grandfather's passing, a lifetime of challenges, of change, and of triumphs came to a close. At two o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st of March, a mere eighteen minutes after his father died, two of the three sanshu no jingi were handed to the Crown Prince in the presence of those members of the Imperial Family who were in Shinkyō. He received Kusanagi, the sword, and Yasakani no Magatama, the jewel, as well as the seal of state, formally granting upon him the status which, the moment his father died, was conferred upon him by divine right. From that moment onwards, the Kunan era was over and the Eikō era had begun.

   A few days after his death, the Emperor's body was transferred from his deathbed to the hinkyū (殯宮, temporary imperial mortuary) which had been put together in the central pavilion of the Imperial Palace. The Emperor’s deceased body had been enclosed in a space boxed in on three sides with white cloths, while a fourth had a shutter. In this enclosure, alongside the body, the Emperor's sword was placed, while his coffin was decorated with the sakaki (榊), a sacred tree in the Teidō religion. For a time, the late Emperor lay in state, a rare opportunity for members of the public to enter the grounds of the Imperial Palace to pay homage to their departed sovereign. This would last for ten days, and on every second day, offerings of food and textiles were placed before the coffin, and eulogies to honor the Emperor were given. Although it was merely a formality, as his era name had already been selected upon the death of his grandfather, on the 21st of March, the Emperor, whom in his life as Crown Prince had the name Naganori, and as Emperor was merely referred to as "His Majesty the Emperor" (天皇陛下, Tennō Heika), was formally given his posthumous name. It was decided that the Emperor should be known forever more as Emperor Kunan (苦難天皇, Kunan-tennō). In the same ceremony, the new Emperor decided upon his own nengō (era) name. He took up the name Eikō (永享), alternatively styled Eikyō, which loosely translates as "received eternity".

   On the 24th of March, the day after the late Emperor had been interred, the diplomatic corps of foreign nations were invited to pay a visit to the Emperor’s place of temporary internment and pay their respects. Ten days later, a memorial tablet carrying the name of Emperor Kunan was placed in his private chambers, while the funeral was conducted. At 7:00 PM, the body was carried via hearse from the Imperial Palace and on towards Tenkyō. From there, after briefly laying in state for a few days at the palace in the city, it was placed upon a golden chariot and carried on to his final resting place alongside his ancestors. He was accompanied by a funeral parade of 300 people carrying torches, gongs, drums and other material. This procession was also joined by military bands, and a youth group from Kamo, once a village northwest of Tenkyō, now part of a district in the city. At 11:15 AM on the 6th of April, the Emperor’s last rites, salutes and offerings began. This ceremony was attended by numerous prominent figures at the time, including veterans of both the Continental and Greater East Ardian Wars.


Scenes of the Enthronement of Emperor Eikō
   "It is my sincerest hope, as Fusan enters this new era, that the world shall know peace unending, that the struggles and enmities of old shall pass, and that the world shall join together in the name of fraternity and humanity."
      — Emperor Eikō during his enthronement ceremony, 19 November, 1982

   A few days short of eight months since his father had passed, the new Emperor, Emperor Eikō, was formally enthroned. It was the first of such ceremonies to be widely televised, let alone broadcast in general, although this practice would carry on into the future as both his son and grandson's enthronements were likewise broadcast. Many foreign dignitaries, monarchs, and other heads of state attended the ceremony, which was held in the old capital of Tenkyō. It was a scene that seemed lifted straight from old stories, a rare glimpse into the Imperial Court, steeped in traditions dating back thousands of years. And by the time it was done, a new era had dawned: the Eikō era.
II. — Society During the Eikō Era

Clockwise from Left: Station Kiosk in Izumozaki, 17 October, 1982, Farmer in Eastern Daitō, c.1986, Overview of Mihara, c.1993, Streets of Okayama, 25 May, 1997
   In the 1980s, a great number of Daitōjin citizens lived with a higher standard of living than ever before, building new homes and renting technology-laden apart­ments on land which was gaining ever more value as the years continued on. It saw a great expansion of wealth and luxury, as many would play golf on courses which cost nearly $200 for eighteen holes, while many Daitōjin travelled abroad frequently and paid 8,000 mon ($100) for a drink and a slice of cake in upscale coffee shops. Large numbers continued to struggle economically however, primarily because society remained divided between those who worked for the rich corporations, with high wages and lifetime employment, and those employed as shopkeepers, construction workers, or employees of the smaller com­panies, where economic downturns resulted in pay cuts, layoffs, and firings. But the dominant feature of Daitō, especially going into the late 80s, was wealth and freedom. Polls showed that, in 1988, nearly 90% of people in the country considered themselves middle class.

   Perhaps paradoxically, then, one result of this afflu­ence was that Daitō—already a military power—became not only more powerful but more controversial in the inter­national sphere—and the controversy affect­ed the daily lives of nearly everyone. The magazines and sports papers that com­muters devoured on the morning trains were, in the 1980s, filled with angry articles about Daitō-bashing abroad, as well as the harsh criticism in some East Ardian countries that Daitō faced when its Education ministry revised history textbooks to minimize crimes committed during the Great War. While many were impressed that so many world leaders had attended Emperor Kunan's funeral in 1982, even greater numbers complained about the restraints TV networks placed on entertainment shows when he died. Others grumbled at the increasing number of Ardian and Southern Aranyean workers who were attracted to Daitō, often illegally, to take jobs in the late 1980s. Daitō, it was clear, had done more than than become an economic giant by 1989; it had become a thoroughly modern, middle-class society where the haves and have-nots mingled in a stew that was as dynamic as it sometimes was troubled.

   By contrast to the 1980s, Daitō's public story in the 1990s was one of economic slowdown. It cannot be said that there was some sort of collapse, as the country's gdp, for example, continued to grow at a healthy rate throughout the decade. Simply put, the incredible growth of the Daitōjin Economic Miracle could not last forever, and so, as the 1980s gave way to the 1990s, the optimism which had seemed to grip the country for so long began to slip away. This newfound sense of realism and even pessimism which many felt was further compounded by the government's inept response to the 1993 Komatsu earthquake, which killed over 6,000 people, and a sarin attack on the Shinkyō Metro by members of the Reiyū Gakkai (霊友学会, "Spiritual Friendship Society") cult in 1995. These events came together and seemed to symbolize a darker time. The deeper social story, however, was more complex. It revealed a nation that, while chastened, still was dynamic and surprisingly self-confident, a nation whose class differences produced energy as often as they created problems.

   The country’s continuing social energy revealed itself in numerous ways. Greater Shinkyō—the world's largest metropolitan area—had reached a population of more than thirty million, and increasing numbers of city dwellers were pursuing individualistic lifestyles by the end of the century. Some commentators talked about the shijinrui ("new human breed"), others about “micro-masses” who read specialized magazines and joined groups devoted to motorboat racing, computer games, or even the ancient tradition of Noh theatre. Ubiquitous com­puters, television, and cell phones (keitai) brought Daitōjin youth into instant contact with peers around the globe, and helped to spawn endless new behaviors. From a rising divorce rate and women who refused to marry to adult men who took off-beat or menial jobs and lived with their parents so as to have freer lifestyles, previously established social norms had begun to slip away.

   It could be argued that Daitō's popular culture had become thor­oughly international by the end of the 1990s, saturating the rest of the world even as it imbibed foreign influences at home. Cities teemed with theaters and shopping malls, while television produced endless stars, some of them as ephemeral as cherry blossoms. Archi­tects such as Hayao Asato and fashion designers like Sayori Yanagiwara occupied a world stage. Many authors won internationally-recognized awards, while athletes such as Giichi Hashimoto and Yanosuke Komi dominated Daitōjin sports pages while they achieved success in foreign competitions and leagues, while many foreigners starred in Daitō's own sports of sumo, soccer, and baseball. And then there was anime, arguably the century’s most influential Daitōjin exports. Producers and writers like Yasuaki Suwa and Yōji Suzuki enraptured a generation of Daitōjin youth, even as they achieved international fame.

   Traditional culture and practices had not disappeared when the twentieth century ended. Divorce rates still remained lower than elsewhere; gender discrimination persisted, with smaller percentages of Daitōjin women working outside the home; minority groups con­tinued to face prejudice-even as, on the other hand, Daitō remained one of the world’s safest societies and personal savings rates contin­ued at remarkably high levels. Modernity had done more than make Daitō an economic giant, it had given it a social character as rich and varied as that in any country on earth, a society where affluence enabled increasingly individualistic women and men to live the lives they desired. If they preferred traditional family patterns, they could have them. If they wanted to try new lifestyles, they had the means and the space to do that. By 2000, it could be argued, no society on Mundus balanced the traditional and the avant garde more easily, or more energetically.
III. — Politics During the Eikō Era

Clockwise from Left: Prime Ministers Takeo Suzuki (1984 - 1991), Toshiki Hatayama (1991 - 1996), Sōsuke Mori (1996 - 1999), and Shinzō Koizumi (1999 - 2003)
   Politics during the Eikō era were, by comparison to the early Kunan era, comparatively stable as the country began to fall into a de-facto two-party system. On one side, the Democratic Party of Daitō, later renamed Yamato Ishin no Kai but more commonly known as simply Ishin, and on the other side, a reconstituted Yamato Fukkatsu Dōmei, or YFD. Ishin, for its part, represented the political left, although it could only be considered center-left as a whole. The YFD had rebranded in the decade that it had been out of power, sticking closer to the recommendations of Toshikatsu Heike and gradually moving more towards the center-right, although there were elements within the party that would be considered perhaps far-right as well. Mostly the last remnants of those in the party that had been purged after the war and their proteges, but they were mostly a dying breed. Of course, there were other parties within the Diet and the country as a whole, but ultimately, these two major parties would dominate for the foreseeable future.

   1982 saw the end of the DPD's hold over the Imperial Diet come to an end as a wave of support for the YFD, led by Author-turned-Representative Noboru Satō, swept the country. Satō was particularly noted for his charisma, and in the eyes of many within the YFD, he is seen as being instrumental in the reforging of the party to be more suited to the country's needs. Of course, he played a role, but in truth, his successor, at the time Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Suzuki played a larger role. Suzuki, a twenty seven-year veteran of Daitō's political sphere, had been elected to the Imperial Diet for the first time in 1955, at the age of merely twenty-four. By the time he had been appointed as Deputy Prime Minister, he had already made great strides in helping to rebuild the party's position, and many had anticipated that he would actually become Prime Minister in 1982 instead of Satō. Nonetheless, in this new position, he would prove most effective, helping to make sure that most of his superior's legislation was passed. When Satō resigned in 1984, it seemed obvious, then, that he would become Prime Minister. Throughout his time in both positions, he would advocate for supporting both the Yoshimo Shogunate and later the Empire of Achkaerin during the Toshikawan Civil War, and under his command, Daitōjin aircraft would lend their aid where possible, while the Prime Minister made sure to also support humanitarian efforts in the country when possible.

   In 1991, Takeo Suzuki announced his intention to leave politics behind, instead wishing to devote himself to supporting humanitarian causes across the globe. His successor was selected on the 30th of September, 1991, with that individual being Baron Toshiki Hatayama. Hatayama, a member of the House of Peers, had almost as long a career in politics as Suzuki, as he had been appointed to his position in 1958. However, his premiership, which lasted until 1996, would be marred by the 1993 Komatsu earthquake and the Shinkyō Sarin Attack in 1995. Politically, however, his career came to a crashing halt when a wing of the YFD, comprising its more traditionally right-wing elements broke off, forming the Rikken Minshutō party which would eventually attract some infamy in the 2020s. As a result of this schism, in 1996, the Ishin party regained control of the House of Representatives, and they would elect from within their ranks Sōsuke Mori as Prime Minister. However, he faced a vote of no confidence in 1999 which led to his removal as Prime Minister, and as a result, the final Prime Minister of the Eikō era, Shinzō Koizumi, was elected.

   In 2000, the Emperor announced his intention to abdicate, wishing to retire to the Meiwa Grand Shrine. Under the constitution, no such provision was made, and so, in early 2001, the Diet passed legislation which would permit an Emperor to formally abdicate the throne as had been done on numerous occasions in the past. Finally, on the 7th of June, 2001, Emperor Eikō abdicated the throne, and in his place, a new Emperor, Emperor Antei, would serve as sovereign.

Daitō:
Chapter Twenty-Two — The Antei Era (2001 - 2020 CE)
I. — Overview of the Antei Era

Clockwise From Left: Beach Near Sakana, c.2001, Tenkyō, c.2005, Skyline of Shinkyō, c.2011, Gangō-ji Temple in Okayama, c.2014
   As the sun set on the evening of December 31st, 2000, many in Fusan prepared to ring in the new millennium. Even more, however, looked forwards to a date soon to come, when in 2001, the son of then-Emperor Eikō, Crown Prince Nobukatsu, would take the throne. This era name, or nengō, was officially announced as part of the new years festivities, with that name being Antei (安貞), which is often translated as "Peaceful Righteousness" in English. This era began with the formal independence of the Republic of Paechon on the 1st of January, 2002. Paechon had long been a "trust territory" of the Empire of Fusan, however, in 1997 it was announced that, after close to eighty years, the people there would be allowed to hold a referendum on their status within the country. The referendum, whose first round was held on the 19th of July, 1998, included three options: Independence, Conversion into an autonomous circuit of the Empire, or effectively no change in status. Of these options, 21% voted for there to be no change in the region's status within Fusan, while 39% voted to become a circuit and 40% for independence. A second round was held in early 1999, in which 53% of the population voted for independence. Following its independence, Paechon would go on to become a close strategic partner of the Empire of Fusan until 2019.

   Early in the Antei era, Fusan, like much of East Ardia, was a victim of the 2004 East Ardian Financial Crisis, although the name itself may be inaccurate as it led to a recession that lasted until early 2006. The crisis, which originated in Nueva Ardia, resulted in a period of instability across the region which contributed to the collapse of the Federal Republic of Rokkenjima, as well as protests and riots in other countries. For Fusan, the political impact was relatively mild; it led to Shinzō Koizumi's government collapsing on the 16th of April, as well as the coalition government which surrounded his Ishin party falling apart. In the aftermath, the YFD would once again lead Fusan under the auspicious gaze of its new leader, Morihiro Obuchi. Economically, however, Fusan was hit relatively hard by it, with it being estimated that the country's gross domestic product (GDP) fell by roughly 9.13% from approximately $9,333,195,032,361 at the end of 2002 to around $8,502,673,990,771 in 2006. Recovery was relatively slow, and for a time, the country's economy stagnated, with an average growth rate of just under 1.5% between 2006 and 2012. For its part, Fusan had made a full recovery by 2012.

   For a time, it seemed that East Ardia would move on from the tensions seen during the cold war and the economic damage of the 2004 crisis. However, as one might expect, before prosperity could truly return to East Ardia, some of the worst atrocities in human history would stain the region in blood. Late 2015 saw the invasion of Nueva Ardia by Toshikawa under the guise of anti-terrorist operation, however, it would result in perhaps the worst genocide in world history, with 30 million lives being lost in mere months. The scale of such crimes could not be hidden from the world, even in spite of efforts by those who perpetuated them. Though Fusan would not directly become involved—a move which many criticized at the time and ultimately resulted in the downfall of Yoshihiko Kishida's government—the conflict did result in a number of aerial engagements between it and Toshikawa which resulted in three aircraft being downed by pilots of the Imperial Fusanese Air Force and Navy. 2017 saw the People's Republic of Kalasin attempt to invade the Republic of Paechon, aiming to secure control of the Matilda channels and thus a position with leverage over ocean-going trade. They had hoped, perhaps acting on bad intel, that the Empire of Fusan would not respond. However, they were sorely mistaken as on the 1st of March, 2017, in a rare broadcast from the Imperial Palace in Shinkyō, Emperor Antei issued a demand that all Kalasinese forces withdraw from the island of Paechon or Fusan would move to liberate the country by force. The Second Kalasinese War had begun.
II. — Operation Kikusui and the Second Kalasinese War

Clockwise from Left: J-19s takeoff from Tsukishima, 3 April, 2017, JV-20 flying over the Kyne, 11 April, 2017, IFMC personnel shortly before landing in Kalasin, 18 June, 2017, Fusanese destroyers launching strikes against Kalasinese positions, 18 June, 2017
   "Our grandfathers and our fathers fought on this land, and now, so shall we."
      — Anonymous Fusanese soldier, c. June 2017

   Operation Kikusui (菊水作戦, Kikusui sakusen) was the official name of the Fusanese Armed Forces' operation to liberate the island of Paechon during the Second Kalasinese War. Lasting from the 1st of April until the 17th of May, 2017, the majority of the operation consisted of an air campaign against the Kalasinese Peoples Republic. Primary targets included the country's military communications infrastructure, radar sites, airfields, government buildings, electrical infrastructure, and other targets across the country. This was followed by landings near Haenam, Namhae, and Kosong on the island's southeast coast on the morning of the 9th of May, where Fusanese forces were met with limited resistance from the Kalasinese defenders. Ground operations in Paechon continued for six days, coming to a close on the 15th of May when Fusanese forces liberated Paechon's capital, Anju, which prompted mass surrenders of Kalasinese forces on the island, while others fled back to Kalasin. The first phase of the Second Kalasinese War was over, but now, Fusan faced a task which would be far, far more complicated. On the 16th of May, the commander of Fusan's forces in Paechon, General Okimoto Esashi, issued an ultimatum to the Premier of Kalasin, Naphat Jitnukul, demanding that the country surrender.

   Ever since the fall of the Republic of Kalasin in 1977, Fusan's intelligence services had been funding rebel groups in Kalasin and following the fall of the Vax Republic in 1978, these activities steadily ramped up. There were many within Kalasin who were discontented with the government there, owing to numerous abuses of human rights and a generally poor standard of living in the country. Such sentiments were easily exploited, and starting in 1979, organizations such as the DTS (General Intelligence Agency of the Imperial Military Headquarters) and CIRO (Central Intelligence and Research Agency) began directly arming rebel groups within the country with the goal of eventually staging a revolution in Kalasin. However, for a variety of reasons, these plans did not come to fruition for nearly forty years. Nonetheless, when Kalasin invaded Paechon, the opportunity finally came, and so, in the middle of May, uprisings began across Kalasin. Even with these uprisings, Premier Jitnukul refused to surrender, believing their strength to be negligible, and so, on the 18th of June, the final phase of the war began.

   On the morning of the 18th of June, strikes began once again against targets in Kalasin, primarily with the goal of softening up Kalasinese defenses across the board. That same day, Fusanese forces began landing at sites along the coast, and yet, instead of being met with opposition from the locals as many had expected, Fusan forces arriving in Kalasin were instead welcomed as liberators. Of course, it would be a long road to the country's capital, Pattani, which sat nearly 500 kilometers away from the nearest landing site in the country and deep inland, but it was nonetheless a job that to be done. With the aid of local militias, armed by the DTS and CIRO, they began their advance northeast, where for a while, they encountered limited opposition. There would be some opposition from Kalasinese forces in cities such as Surin, Phimai, and Nan, however, by the beginning of August, Fusan forces entered Pattani. The war was won, and a new government, the Republic of Kalasin, was established on the 5th of August, while the Second Vax Republic was established on the 6th. In the months that followed, Fusan forces transitioned to a peacekeeping role while a new army was formed. While a limited contingent remains as military advisors, Fusan withdrew most forces from the country in 2019 following the signing of the Saelim-Mangjul Accords which established the Union of Kalasin. As a result of the war, it is estimated that 503 Fusan and Paechonese troops died, while Kalasin lost nearly 33,000 personnel, the vast majority of whom were killed during air raids.
III. — Closing Days of the Antei Era
IIIa. "His Majesty, the Emperor has Died"

Scenes of the Enthronement of Emperor Banwa
   In the aftermath of the war in Kalasin, attention shifted once more to domestic matters. Though the economy was in a good shape at the time, the war had, ultimately, caused the nation to come dangerously close to a recession as a result of the disruption in trade through the Matilda Channels, a matter which played a role in the downfall of Hirotaka Seiji's premiership at the start of 2019. But though it was largely smooth sailing on the part of the government, in private, not all was well within the halls of Fusan's most treasured institution, for on the 13th of January, 2019 at the age of 59. His son, Crown Prince Eijirō, acceded to the throne the day after, receiving the sacred treasures alongside the Privy Seal and the State Seal of Fusan, thus beginning the Banwa Era. A few months later, he was enthroned in a ceremony in Tenkyo on the 6th of November. In the years that followed, a power struggle would emerge between the Emperor and Sachio Heike, the President of the Privy Council, which would result in the Emperor's victory and the latter's arrest following his plotting of a coup. From then on, the future of Fusan was well and truly within reach.

IIIb. Address of Emperor Banwa on the Advent of His Enthronement

   "Having previously acceded to the Imperial Throne in accordance with the Constitution of the Empire of Fusan and the Imperial House Law, I now perform the ceremony of enthronement at the Shishin-den Hall of the Imperial Palace and proclaim my enthronement to those at home and abroad. I recognize that this is a time to reflect upon the achievements of my father, Emperor Antei, over the course of his nearly twenty years on the throne and in the sixty years that he walked this earth. In life, Emperor Antei always shared in the joys and the sorrows of the Fusanese people, praying constantly for the happiness of the people and for peace across the globe. I pledge hereby to act in accordance with the powers vested in me by the constitution and by the Kami as leader of the Empire and as heir to the legacy of our Imperial Ancestors, always wishing for the happiness of the people and peace around the world, turning my thoughts to the people and standing with them. I sincerely hope, as we enter this new era, that our country, through our people's wisdom and unceasing efforts, achieves further development and contributes to the friendship and peace of the international community and the welfare and prosperity of mankind."
      — Eijirō, Emperor of Fusan, 6 November, 2020

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